As of 7 pm local time (GMT+3), heavy rainfall of 21 to 50 kilograms per square meter is expected in parts of the city. 

Rainfall is forecast to intensify from tomorrow afternoon, particularly on the Asian side, with some areas expected to receive between 50 and 100 kilograms per square meter.

The directorate warned that the downpours could trigger flooding, flash floods and landslides, as well as disruptions to transportation.

Residents were urged to remain cautious and take precautions against the potential effects of the severe weather.

The weather warning will remain in place until 5 am on Oct 18.

İstanbul has been experiencing severe rainfall since late Oct 13, which caused flooding across the city. At least five people lost their lives in the floods and several others are still missing.

Death toll from İstanbul floods rises to five, several others reported missing

16 October 2026

(VK)

The worker, identified as Faik Şentürk, was helping drain water that had accumulated in a well at a school construction site in the Beykoz district when he fell into it, according to media reports.

The body of Turgut Dursun, 66, was found beneath a bridge in Sarıyer, one of the districts hardest hit by the floods.

Heavy rainfall that began late on Oct 13 and continued into the following day triggered flash floods across İstanbul's European and Asian sides, particularly in the city's northern districts.

Search operations for at least five more missing people are underway, according to İstanbul Governor Davut Gül.

Speaking to reporters today, Gül said the city had experienced its heaviest rainfall since 1942.

The governor said emergency crews had rescued 3,050 people stranded by the floods, with no one still awaiting rescue. Search teams continued looking for those reported missing.

"Seven of our fellow citizens were discharged after completing treatment, and missing person reports were filed for five people. Search operations are continuing," Gül said.

Bengü Şap-Babaeker, editor-in-chief of Halk TV's web portal, announced the detention on social media. Police detained Özgür at his home and took him to the İstanbul Security Directorate according to Evrensel newspaper.

The detention follows an Oct 13 report by Özgür about asset freezes imposed in connection with the fund investigation.

In the article, titled "Another 'inadvertent inclusion' on the fund fraud list!", Özgür reported that prosecutors had sent relevant institutions a list of 141 people subject to asset freezes. The list included former minister Fatma Betül Sayan Kaya and her husband, İlyas Kaya.

According to Özgür, the prosecutor's office sent another letter on Oct 13 stating that 29 people had been included on the list "inadvertently." Among those named were Enver Çevik and Kemal Akkaya.

Probe into investment fund scandal reveals 214 people and firms made over 3.7 billion dollars in profits

9 October 2026

The İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office issued a statement the same day, saying it had not ordered any new asset freezes.

Prosecutors said information about certain restrictions that had previously been lifted had mistakenly not reached the relevant institutions. The office said it had corrected the error through a new letter and that asset freezes remained in place for 109 people.

Journalists targeted over commentary on the fund crisis

Özgür's detention follows legal action against other journalists over their reporting on the fund crisis.

Four journalists have been placed in pretrial detention or under house arrest in connection with the probe.

Journalist Şaban Sevinç and Sözcü editor Mustafa Balcı were placed in pretrial detention on Oct 9 on charges of "publicly disseminating misleading information."

Journalists İsmail Saymaz and Murat Ağırel were placed under house arrest on the same charges.

Authorities have also blocked access to dozens of social media accounts, including those belonging to economists who posted about the fund scandal.

Turkey blocks 147 X accounts over posts about investment fund crisis

30 September 2026

Background

The crisis began on Sep 16, when investment funds holding large positions in stocks with relatively few shares available for trading struggled to meet investors' redemption requests.

The Capital Markets Board (SPK) subsequently suspended trading through the Turkish Electronic Fund Trading Platform (TEFAS) for funds managed by seven portfolio management companies. It also ordered the liquidation of 131 funds.

The SPK said funds managed by some portfolio companies had contributed to stock price movements that could not be explained by the companies' economic circumstances or financial performance.

The regulator had introduced stricter rules on Aug 28 covering portfolio concentration, related-party transactions, valuation methods and hedge fund operations.

Under Article 107 of Turkey's Capital Markets Law, transactions intended to create false or misleading impressions about the price, price movements, supply or demand of capital market instruments can constitute market fraud.

The crisis has led authorities to order the liquidation of investment funds with a combined volume of approximately 18.3 billion US dollars.

Turkey’s investment fund crisis in 10 questions: Phantom returns and a market meltdown

21 September 2026

(VK)

Gültekin was traveling in a car on the Ankara-bound section of the Anatolian Motorway in the Kaynaşlı district when it collided with another vehicle traveling in the same direction.

Five people, including Gültekin, were injured in the three-vehicle pileup. Having sustained serious injuries, Gültekin died at the hospital.

Hasan Şengüloğlu, the provincial head of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Düzce, announced Gültekin's death in a statement to reporters.

"Everything medically necessary was done from the moment of the accident until now. But unfortunately, we could not save him," he said.

Elected after opposition mayor's arrest

Gültekin took office on Sep 8 following a disputed election that transferred control of Üsküdar Municipality from the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) to the AKP.

The district's elected mayor, Sinem Dedetaş, was arrested on Jul 31, 2026, as part of a series of corruption investigations targeting opposition-run municipalities across Turkey. The Interior Ministry subsequently suspended her from office.

The Üsküdar Municipal Council initially elected the CHP's candidate, Sibel Tan Çetinkaya, as acting mayor on Aug 5. Çetinkaya received 22 votes, while Gültekin, the AKP candidate, secured 18.

However, following an objection by the AKP, an administrative court in İstanbul suspended the election and ordered a new vote.

AKP takes control of İstanbul’s Üsküdar district, opposition claims threat from prosecutors

9 September 2026

By the time the council reconvened, the balance of power had shifted in favor of the AKP after some council members were detained and others switched their political allegiance.

In the fourth round of voting on Sep 8, Gültekin received 23 votes against Çetinkaya's 19, securing the acting mayor's office for the AKP.

The result gave the ruling party control of a municipality the CHP had won in the 2024 local elections.

Following the vote, the opposition alleged that a prosecutor had threatened a council member who defected to the AKP with arrest and that four defectors had been kept under police supervision. (VK)

The İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality said rainfall had "reached one of the highest levels recorded since 1985." According to municipal data, the Beykoz district received 242 kilograms of rain per square meter, followed by Eyüpsultan with 190.5 kilograms and Sarıyer with 187.9 kilograms.

During the rainfall, streams overflowed in Arnavutköy, Başakşehir, Beykoz, Esenyurt, Kağıthane and Şile. Homes, businesses and roads were flooded in several districts, including Sarıyer, Eyüpsultan and Sultangazi. Drivers became trapped in their vehicles, while flooding brought traffic to a standstill on some roads.

İstanbul floods: Death toll rises to three amid heaviest rainfall in decades

15 October 2026

Authorities warned residents to stay away from streambeds and areas prone to flooding.

But how realistic is it to avoid such areas in İstanbul?

Physical alterations to 64% of 168 major streams

According to a master plan published in 2023 by the İstanbul Water and Sewerage Administration (İSKİ), the city has 2,772 streams stretching a combined 5,247 kilometers.

In her 2015 doctoral dissertation, titled "Physical Changes in İstanbul's Streams and Their Relationship with Land Use," landscape architect Dr. Hülya Dinç examined 168 major streams and their tributaries outside drinking water catchment areas.

The study covered a stream network of approximately 3,344 kilometers. Of this total, 21% (703 kilometers) ran through urban areas, while 79% (2,641 kilometers) passed through rural areas.

Dinç's analysis, based on maps from 2007, found that approximately 80% of the 168 major streams were connected to developed areas. Only 33 streams lay entirely outside settlements.

Dinç identified physical alterations in 64% of the 168 major streams. Just 60 retained their natural characteristics along their entire course, from source to mouth.

Dense development and diverse land use around the Golden Horn

Dinç identified 14 distinct land uses and combinations of uses along the Kağıthane–Cendere–Kemerdere corridor and 20 along the Alibeyköy–Küçükköy corridor.

The study found that development became denser toward the Golden Horn, with an increasingly varied mix of residential, industrial, road and other land uses. Dinç identified the Alibeyköy–Küçükköy corridor as one where streams had lost their natural characteristics within built-up areas and were prone to overflowing during rainfall at the time of the research.

Dinç also examined 28 stream basins identified as flood-prone in a 2008 İBB report. All showed evidence of physical alterations, the loss of tributaries that collect and channel water, and the replacement of soil and vegetation with development. The list included Kağıthane, Alibeyköy and Ayamama.

Linking changes in stream channels to the location, density and height of buildings, as well as declining vegetation cover, Dinç reached a key conclusion:

"The physical alteration of streams and their banks, accompanied by the loss of riparian ecosystems, habitats and other elements of a healthy environment, affects the quality of life for both the city and its residents, from the smallest to the largest scale." (p. 173)

Dinç noted that development had erased not only sections of major streambeds but also intermittent and flowing tributaries that feed into them. These changes affect how water accumulates in the main channels, increasing the risk of flooding.

Streamside protection zones have narrowed over the years

Dinç's research also traces how zoning regulations and protection requirements for stream corridors have changed over time.

In 1988, during Bedrettin Dalan's tenure as İstanbul mayor (1984–1989), İSKİ abolished the streamside protection buffer established under its Drinking Water Basin Regulation. The change opened stream banks to development.

Under Mayor Nurettin Sözen (1989–1994), İSKİ revised the buffer requirements in 1990, establishing a 100-meter building setback on both sides of streams. The authority maintained the 100-meter absolute protection buffer in 1994.

However, during Kadir Topbaş's tenure as mayor (2004–2017), a regulatory amendment in 2013 replaced the 100-meter building setback with an operational corridor of at least 10 meters on each side for cleaning, maintenance and repairs along the relevant stream sections under İSKİ's jurisdiction.

İSKİ amended the regulation again on Jun 17, 2021. The new rules established a minimum 13-meter building setback on both sides of the improved channel sections of designated streams outside forest and agricultural areas. Of that distance, 10 meters was designated as a stream maintenance corridor.

In her 2015 dissertation, Dinç warned that narrowing protection buffers could pave the way for denser development along waterways. She argued that uniform setback requirements, established without accounting for the natural characteristics of individual streams, were insufficient to protect riparian ecosystems.

(VC/VK)

The agency said the operation was carried out in collaboration with Turkey's National Intelligence Agency (MİT). Turkish authorities have not yet commented on this statement.

Lebanese media outlets reported a different account of Ural's capture, raising questions about where and how he was taken into custody.

Lebanon-based MTV television claimed that unidentified individuals abducted Ural from his home in Mansourieh, in the Matn district northeast of Beirut, before transporting him to Syria.

According to MTV, the assailants tied up Ural's wife and son during the raid. The network also reported that the Intelligence Branch of Lebanon's Internal Security Forces had launched an investigation.

The London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR), citing its sources, reported that Ural was seized during a raid on his Mansourieh home after returning from Al-Rassoul Al-Aazam Hospital in Beirut.

The observatory said the individuals who carried out the operation spoke Arabic with Lebanese accents, but their identities had not been established.

Who is Mihraç Ural?

Born in Antakya in 1956, Mihraç Ural was among the leaders of THKP-C/Acilciler, a Marxist militant organization active in Turkey during the 1970s.

According to an indictment cited in the Ankara 9th Heavy Penal Court's Jun 5, reasoned judgment in the Reyhanlı bombing case, Ural assumed leadership of the organization after members of its senior leadership were killed in a clash with police in Malatya in 1976.

The judgment states that Ural escaped from prison with Engin Erkiner in 1979 and subsequently moved the organization's operations to Syria.

Ural lived in Syria for decades, where his activities, particularly in and around Latakia, and his alleged links to Syrian intelligence became the subject of investigations and court proceedings in Turkey.

The reasoned judgment in the Reyhanlı case states that THKP-C/Acilciler established an armed group called Mukaveme Suriyye (Syrian Resistance) with the support of the Syrian government.

The group reportedly fought alongside forces loyal to Bashar al-Assad during the Syrian conflict.

Alleged responsibility for Banyas massacre

Syrian authorities have identified Mihraç Ural as one of those responsible for the 2013 massacres in Banyas.

Numerous civilians were killed in attacks carried out by forces loyal to the Assad government on May 2-3, 2013, in the village of al-Bayda and the Ras al-Nabe neighborhood of Banyas, both in Syria's Tartus province.

According to a report published by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in September 2013, government forces and allied armed groups executed at least 248 people in the two locations.

The United Nations Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria also presented findings in its 2013 report indicating that government forces and allied armed groups were responsible for the massacres.

Neither the HRW report nor the UN commission's findings established Ural's individual responsibility for the attacks. However, the Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR) named Ural among those responsible for the Banyas massacre in a report published in May 2013. Ural has denied allegations that he participated in the massacre.

In its report on Ural's capture, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) called for him to face a public and fair trial before an independent, competent court over the allegations. The observatory also urged that the trial be held in Banyas, where the massacres took place, if legally feasible.

Allegations against Ural in the Reyhanlı bombing

Ural is among the defendants wanted in connection with the May 11, 2013, bombings in Reyhanlı, a district of Turkey's southern Hatay province.

Two car bombs exploded in Reyhanlı, killing 53 people, including five children, and injuring 155 others.

The indictment alleges that Ural played a role in planning and organizing the attack through individuals linked to Syrian intelligence.

On Jun 5, the Ankara 9th Heavy Penal Court sentenced Memet Gezer, Temir Dükancı and Cengiz Sertel to 53 aggravated life sentences each for their roles in the bombing.

The court also imposed additional prison terms totaling 3,921 years on each defendant.

The proceedings against Ural and another defendant, Omar Alkhatıp, were separated from the main case because the outstanding arrest warrants against them had not been executed.

The court ordered that their cases continue separately and that the arrest warrants remain in force. (VC/VK)

One of them was a 34-year-old man in the Sarıyer district, identified as S.Y., who slipped while attempting to cross floodwaters on Dereboyu Avenue, one of Sarıyer's busiest streets. He struck his head on the curb and was unable to get out of the water.

Bystanders pulled him from the flooded street, but he died after being taken to a hospital.

Additionally, the body of a man was found today snagged on the pier of a bridge over the Kağıthane Stream in the Kağıthane district. Passersby discovered the body and reported it to the police. Efforts to identify the victim are underway, the governor's office said, adding that four more people remain missing.

Yesterday, a 14-year-old child was electrocuted after stepping barefoot into a puddle in a park in the Fatih district.

The deaths came as torrential rain on Oct 14 caused widespread flooding, disrupted transportation and prompted thousands of evacuations across İstanbul.

The downpours, which began in the morning and continued intermittently, left vehicles stranded on flooded roads and caused damage in several districts. 

A 14-year-old child died after being electrocuted while walking through a puddle in a park in the Fatih district, the governor's office announced later in the day. The child was taken to a hospital unconscious but later died.

A video circulating on social media shows the incident. The child is seen walking barefoot through the park, carrying his shoes in his hands, before suddenly collapsing.

Over 1,200 incidents of flooding

The governor's office said 1,277 incidents of flooding were recorded, in addition to 15 landslides and 47 stranded individuals. Emergency services received reports concerning 808 residences, 280 workplaces, and 76 vehicles.

İstanbul's acting mayor Nuri Aslan said the city received nearly 100 millimeters of rainfall in just 12 hours between 10 pm last night and 10 a today, an amount typically associated with extreme rainfall over a 24-hour period.

Speaking at the municipality's Disaster Coordination Center (AKOM) in the Eyüpsultan district, Aslan said heavy rainfall would continue, shifting toward the Bosphorus and the Asian side and persisting in the eastern part of the city until the following morning.

"Do not leave your homes unless necessary. At certain times, winds will intensify to storm levels, potentially reaching speeds of 75 to 80 kilometers per hour," he said.

The incident occurred at around 10.30 am local time and disrupted services for about an hour, according to Marmaray's statements on social media. 

Similar incidents occurred at Sirkeci station on Oct 5 and Erenköy station on Oct 9.

The incidents come amid an increase in reported suicides on İstanbul's rail networks in recent years.

Based on announcements by Marmaray and Metro İstanbul, the city's two main rail operators, at least 27 suicide attempts have occurred across their networks since Oct 2025.

The actual number of deaths in these incidents remains unclear. The operators' announcements generally focus on service disruptions caused by the incidents, without specifying further detailes such as whether the individuals survived.

Media reports have documented at least one nonfatal case. On Jul 26, a person who jumped onto the tracks at Gayrettepe metro station was persuaded to leave the tracks following intervention by bystanders and security personnel.

Also, on Jul 10, a person who jumped in front of a train at Marmaray's Söğütlüçeşme station was taken to a hospital with injuries but later died.

Most of İstanbul's rail network lacks platform screen doors or other physical barriers separating passengers from the tracks.

Only some recently constructed metro lines have glass safety barriers equipped with automatic doors that open only after trains have stopped at the platform.

Lack of official information

The Transport and Infrastructure Ministry, which operates Marmaray, and the İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality, which operates most of the city's rail systems, have not published statistics on suicide incidents across their networks.

On Aug 10, Yüksel Mansur Kılınç, an MP from the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), submitted a parliamentary question to Transport and Infrastructure Minister Abdülkadir Uraloğlu concerning suicide incidents on Marmaray.

Kılınç requested statistics on fatalities and information about preventive measures taken by the ministry.

According to the Turkish parliament's website, the question remains unanswered.

Uraloğlu previously responded to a similar parliamentary question submitted in April by CHP deputy Fethi Açıkel, who also requested detailed statistics on suicide incidents.

In a two-paragraph response dated Aug 20, the minister provided no figures on suicides or deaths.

Instead, he stated that stations were monitored through closed-circuit television (CCTV) systems and that security personnel received training.

Suicide deaths in Turkey

According to the latest data published by the Turkish Statistical Institute (TurkStat) in 2025, the number of suicide deaths in the country rose to 4,460 in 2024, which marked a 20 percent increase in four years. 

The crude suicide rate, which measures the number of suicide deaths per 100,000 people annually, also increased from 4.79 in 2023 to 5.22 in 2024.

Official figures show a generally upward trend in suicide deaths in recent years. The number stood at 3,710 in 2020, with a crude suicide rate of 4.45. It rose to 4,194 in 2021 and 4,218 in 2022, with corresponding rates of 4.98 and 4.96.

In 2023, the number declined slightly to 4,089, before rising again in 2024. (VK)

Hifa İkra Şengüler, 8, and her mother, Fatmanur Çelik, 30, were found dead on the coastline in İstanbul's Zeytinburnu district on Mar 3. The circumstances of their deaths remain under investigation.

Before her death, Çelik held a weeks-long public protest demanding justice. She had accused A.Ş. of sexually assaulting her when she was a child and subsequently forcing her into marriage. She also alleged that he began sexually abusing their daughter when the girl was 3 years old.

She repeatedly expressed fears for her safety and warned that any suspicious death should not be treated as suicide. 

Protest against court proceedings

Women's rights groups gathered outside the İstanbul Anadolu Courthouse ahead of the hearing at the İstanbul 2nd Heavy Penal Court, demanding justice for Çelik and her daughter.

At the hearing, the prosecutor sought A.Ş.'s acquittal, citing the fact that the complaint had been filed 18 months after the alleged abuse and that there were no witnesses to the incidents. The court complied with the request, prompting protests from lawyers and rights advocated following the hearing. They applauded in protest before leaving the courtroom.

Representatives of several political parties, bar associations and women's organizations attended the hearing, including the Peoples' Equality adn Democracy (DEM) PartyGood (İYİ) Party, New (Yeni) Party, Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA), Labor Party (EMEP) and the We Will Stop Femicides Platform.

Müjde Tozbey, president of the Children and Women First Association, who spoke to reporters after the hearing, challenged the prosecution's reasoning. "No abuser has witnesses present when abusing children, and the statute of limitations is 20 years," she said.

She added that Çelik had initially been unable to disclose the alleged abuse because she feared being killed, but later told doctors what had happened. She said medical reports formed the basis of the prosecution.

Tozbey said that the case would remain a focus of their campaign for accountability.

EMEP deputy Sevda Karaca condemned the verdict and criticized the treatment of Çelik and her daughter throughout the judicial proceedings.

 "We are angry, we are grieving, but we will continue the struggle," she said.  "We have made a promise to Fatmanur and Hifa. We have made a promise to all the women of this country. This struggle did not end here."

DEM deputy Özgül Saki asserted that the ruling egitimized child sexual abuse.

"Fatmanur applied everywhere she could, saying that her child had been abused. While it is clear that she herself was a rape victim and was married to the perpetrator, all the lawyers' requests were rejected in the courtroom today," the lawmaker said.

Mother and daughter's deaths remain under investigation

Çelik had repeatedly approached public institutions seeking protection and action over the alleged abuse of her daughter.

After their bodies were discovered, they were taken to the Forensic Medicine Institute for examination.

The Bakırköy Chief Public Prosecutor's Office launched an investigation into the deaths, which was placed under a confidentiality order.

Sevda Demirtaş, a lawyer for the Children and Women First Association, said applications had been filed with both a family court and the prosecutor's office handling the investigation.

In a statement following the deaths, the Family and Social Services Ministry had said authorities had taken measures to protect the child but encountered resistance from her mother.

The ministry said a juvenile court had ordered health and counseling measures for the girl. It added that officials had monitored her treatment after learning she had been admitted to a private foundation hospital on Feb 13.

According to the ministry, a medical board had indicated that inpatient psychiatric treatment might be necessary, but Çelik declined the recommended treatment.

The ministry said an emergency protection order was issued for the child on Mar 2 because the child's health was considered at risk.

Officials visited the family's address that day but were unable to reach anyone, it said. Authorities later received information that the mother and daughter had died.

The ministry had also accused some media outlets and civil society organizations of misrepresenting its efforts to protect the child as attempts to separate her from her mother. "It is unacceptable to present steps taken in the best interests of the child in a way that creates a different perception among the public," it had said. (VK)

Police raided Halk TV's headquarters in İstanbul at around 5.15 am, taking the channel off the air and preventing employees from entering the building. The seizure took place as part of a financial crimes investigation into the channel's owner. 

The broadcaster became the tenth television channel taken under control by the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF) since Mar 2025.

Before Halk TV, TELE1, another pro-opposition channel, was seized in Oct 2025, after its founder and editor-in-chief, Merdan Yanardağ, was taken into custody as part of a "political espionage" investigation. Yanardağ was placed in pretrial detention on Oct 27, 2025 and remains in prison.

After taking control of the channel, the trustees suspended live news broadcasts. Documentaries replaced news programs, and the publication of new stories on TELE1's website was blocked.

Days later, most TELE1 journalists, including presenters, executives, columnists and other staff members, resigned en masse, citing interference with the channel's editorial policy.

They launched an online news channel called TELE2 Haber in Nov 2025. However, before it could complete its first year, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) required it to obtain licenses for online broadcasting. The channel announced that it could not afford the combined cost of two licenses, totaling more than 2.3 million liras (~46,500 US dollars), and ceased operations in October 2026.

Seized broadcaster TELE1 put up for sale as founder in jail on 'espionage' charges

22 April 2026

The takeover tally

The wave of trustee appointments at television broadcasters began with Flash Haber TV in March last year.

• Mar 14, 2025 – Flash Haber TV: As part of an illegal betting investigation by the İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office, authorities seized 23 companies, including Flash Haber TV, Pozitifbank and Payfix, owned by Erkan Kork. The TMSF was appointed trustee to oversee their management.
• Aug 11, 2025 – Ekotürk TV: An illegal betting investigation targeting electronic money company Papara was extended to Ekotürk TV, an economic news channel in which the company held a stake. Management of the broadcaster was transferred to the TMSF.
• Sep 11, 2025 – Six Can Holding channels: An investigation into Can Holding resulted in trustee appointments at 121 companies. Six television channels owned by the group, Habertürk TV, Show TV, Bloomberg HT, HT Spor, Show Türk and Show Max, were also placed under TMSF management.
• Oct 24, 2025 – TELE1: Trustees were appointed to the channel following the detention of Merdan Yanardağ in a political espionage investigation. News broadcasts were subsequently suspended.
• Oct 14, 2026 – Halk TV: Authorities seized control of Halk TV's management as part of an investigation involving Cafer Mahiroğlu. The channel's live broadcast was interrupted.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

What happened to broadcasts after trustee appointments?

The impact of the trustee appointments on broadcasting operations has varied across the media outlets.

Habertürk TV, Show TV, Bloomberg HT, HT Spor, Show Türk and Show Max, all owned by Can Holding and have a mainstream editorial line, continued broadcasting after their management was transferred to the TMSF.

Can Holding seized in major financial crimes investigation

11 September 2025

At TELE1, however, Paşalı suspended live news broadcasts, overhauled the programming schedule and halted news production on the channel's website after taking control.

Halk TV faced a similar intervention. Its live broadcast was cut off following the police raid, and the board of trustees assumed control of the channel's management.

Media Ownership Monitor (MOM) Turkey

27 October 2023

(HA/VK)

A report by ANKA News Agency describes the company's sustainability efforts:

"Protecting natural resources, improving energy efficiency, reducing carbon emissions, recycling water and adopting circular economy practices are the cornerstones of the Holding's approach to sustainability."

Organizations seeking to participate in COP31 as "climate supporters" must apply through the summit's official website.

The summit will have two designated areas: the Blue Zone and the Green Zone. The former will host official negotiations under the UN framework, and the latter is described as a space bringing together organizations, businesses, innovators and civil society, according to the summit's official website. The Green Zone will host exhibitions, discussions, workshops and networking events focused on sustainability and climate action.

Questions we emailed through the official COP31 website about the eligibility criteria for organizations seeking to participate in the Green Zone remained unanswered at the time of publication.

We also contacted Sinpaş Holding for comment but were unable to reach an authorized company representative.

Hotel project in Muğla national park: Company sets up new concrete plant despite court order

17 July 2023

'This is staggering hypocrisy'

Halime Şaman, a member of the Muğla Environment Platform and the Climate Justice Coalition and secretary-general of the Urban Policies Association, is among the activists who have spent years opposing the tourism developments ocarried out by Sinpaş Holding's Kızılbük GYO on the Aegean coast.

She told bianet that she was astonished by the decision to include the holding in the summit:

"The pressure on environmental defenders was documented as an example of human rights violations by eight UN rapporteurs, who raised questions about it with the government. This is staggering hypocrisy."

United Nations (UN) special rapporteurs previously documented the rights violations Şaman has faced in a report.

The report, dated Apr 23, detailed rights violations against two women environmental rights defenders in Turkey, namely Şaman and Esra Işık, who was jailed during the years-long struggle against mining operations in Muğla's Akbelen Forest.

According to the report, Şaman faced "administrative, legal and economic harassment since 2021 because of her environmental and human rights work." It also details her campaign against the hotel and timeshare development undertaken by Sinpaş Real Estate Investment Trust and Kızılbük GYO, along with the legal proceedings and court decisions overturning approvals for the project.

The report also addresses the decision to terminate Şaman's disability pension entirely in January, despite her disability being officially recognized by the Social Security Institution (SGK). The latest hearing in the case was held recently.

'A masquerade'

Şaman said the development had once again demonstrated the importance of the Peoples' Climate Summit, which activists are organizing as an alternative to COP31:

"The whole reason we organized the Peoples' Climate Summit is that this masquerade has been going on for 30 years. They gather under the UN umbrella. Supposedly, they're going to take action to prevent the climate crisis. Supposedly, they're going to find ways to phase out fossil fuels.

"Supposedly, they're also going to keep global warming from exceeding 1.5 degrees. Fossil fuel companies get to these summits before governments do. They lobby there and stand in the way of decisions that would benefit people and nature. Sinpaş becoming a climate supporter of COP31 is a textbook example of this. Everyone involved in this struggle in Marmaris is extremely angry and upset."

Şaman noted that lawsuits over the ecological damage caused by the company have been ongoing for years:

"While these lawsuits were ongoing, the company carried out such reckless environmental destruction that, despite its powerful business connections in Turkey, some public institutions had no choice but to take action."

Marmaris Municipality previously fined the company 60 million liras over the Kızılbük project, and the construction site was sealed off.

Şaman questioned how a company that has faced sanctions for environmental damage could qualify as a "climate supporter" at COP31:

"We will tell those who claim they will 'prevent the climate crisis' while standing alongside Sinpaş that they are not telling the truth. You are taking part in greenwashing, and we will not forgive that."

Ufuk Beytekin, president of the Urban Policies Association, is another environmental defender who has campaigned against the Kızılbük project. A court previously dismissed a 300,000-lira compensation lawsuit filed against him by Sinpaş Kızılbük GYO.

Speaking to bianet, Beytekin also criticized Sinpaş's participation in COP31 as a "climate supporter":

"We've been fighting against the ecological destruction caused by this company for a very long time, since 2019. This company tore apart national park land that doesn't even belong to it. It isn't their land. They cleared it, tore it up, filled it in, demolished it and devastated it."

Beytekin recalled the complaints they had filed over the years, the fines and sanctions imposed by public authorities, and court rulings overturning decisions related to the project:

"It's not our property, but Marmaris is where we live. Even though we moved here from elsewhere, we've tried to protect this town. The company is being praised for 'protecting natural resources,' particularly 'water recycling' and the 'circular economy.' Yet sewage is currently being discharged into the sea.

"There are no Blue Flag beaches left in Marmaris. Everyone is actually complaining about this. But the same silence that prevails across the country prevails here, too."

(CA/VK)

The agency’s account, @mezopotamyatrk3, was restricted following a request from the Cybersecurity Directorate, X said in an email to MA.

According to the notification, the restriction was imposed on national security and public order grounds under Article 8/A of Turkey’s Internet Law No. 5651, a provision frequently used to block online content.

Kurdish journalists targeted in new wave of online censorship

10 April 2026

Following the restriction, MA announced that it would continue publishing news and other content through a new X account, @mezopotamyatrk4.

Media outlets typically change domain names and usernames on social media platforms to circumvent access bans. MA, which frequently faces censorship, currently continues publication on mezopotamyaajansi45.com, indicating that its previous 44 web addresses have been blocked.

Court orders access ban on bianet’s X account

7 October 2026

More than 1,270 accounts blocked in September

The restriction comes amid a series of access bans imposed since last month.

According to data from the Freedom of Expression Association (İFÖD), a group monitoring online censorship, at least 1,270 X accounts were subject to access restrictions in September alone.

X has complied with around 90 percent of restriction orders from turkish authorities, according to the association.

The affected accounts had a combined following of more than 35 million.

The wave fo online crackdown began on Sep 12 when authorities imposed access restrictions on account of LGBTI+ organizations and activists.

More accounts banned on X amid censorhsip wave

30 September 2026

(HA/VK)

The takeover is in connection with an investigation into the channel's owner, Cafer Mahiroğlu, on suspicion of bribery, bid rigging and money laundering, the İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office announced in a statement after the raid.

Additionally, 11 people were detained in raids on their homes, said the office. Mahiroğlu is reportedly abroad and not among the detained.

Police officers entered the building at around 5.15 am local time, the channel's morning show host Deniz Bayramoğlu said on social media. Officers from organized crime and counterterrorism units searched the building.

Tele1 TV seized by state after editor-in-chief's arrest in espionage probe

24 October 2025

Halk TV later confirmed the appointment of trustees and the suspension of its broadcasts through its official social media account.

The trustee panel arrived at Halk TV's headquarters accompanied by police officers.

The channel's editor-in-chief, Suat Toktaş, reportedly met with the head of the panel and requested that live broadcasts continue,  "for the public's right to information." The request was rejected.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

Özgür Özel, leader of the main opposition New (Yeni) Party, condemned the police operation and appointment of trustees, describing the move as an attack on press freedom.

"Raiding a television channel at dawn and appointing trustees is something only dictators would do," he wrote on social media.

Founded in 2004, Halk TV has long been aligned with the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), and more recently with the New Party following a split within the CHP. The channel has frequently faced administrative fines imposed by Turkey's media watchdog, the Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK), over its political commentary.

Turkey's media regulatory body issued 1,661 fines against media outles in 2021

11 April 2022

(VK)

A group of 14 children left a residential complex on Oct 11 after being granted permission to go shopping, but only one has since returned, the ministry said in a statement clarifying the issue following earlier media reports.

"The children mentioned in the reports are not children under state protection, but unaccompanied foreign children identified as part of irregular migration," the statement said.

The ministry added that it was closely monitoring the search. It did not provide further details about the children's ages, nationalities or circumstances of their disappearance.

Ukrainian children displaced by war allegedly abused in Turkey

2 December 2025

(VK)

At the fourth hearing of the retrial on Oct 6, the İstanbul 12th Heavy Penal Court ruled that there were no grounds to alter its original conviction dated Apr 20, 2009. The court also ordered that Süsem continue serving his sentence.

Süsem, who was brought to the hearing from a prison in Tekirdağ, asked the judges to acquit him and suspend the enforcement of his sentence.

'Justice delivered after 25 years is not justice'

At the hearing, the prosecutor demanding upholding the previous life sentence.

The prosecutor argued that the remaining evidence was sufficient to support a conviction, even if statements Süsem made without a lawyer during the investigation were disregarded.

Süsem, however, said his right to a defense had been restricted during earlier proceedings. He denied the charges and argued that being required to present his defense through videoconference had violated his right to a fair trial.

He said the evidence underlying the charges had not been adequately examined during the proceedings, which have lasted approximately 25 years. Witnesses had not been heard in court, and the defense's requests had gone unanswered, he added.

"This case dates back to 1999. Twenty-seven years have passed. Although the State Security Courts were abolished, I was convicted on the basis of indictments prepared by those courts.

"When the Court of Cassation overturned the verdict in this case, it called for evidence to be collected and examined in court. Our requests for the collection and examination of evidence were not granted. Not a single witness was summoned to testify or heard at trial.

"My statement was taken without a lawyer present. Those statements were not removed from the case file. The evidence obtained should have been examined in our presence, but that did not happen either. My right to a fair trial was violated.

"The evidence in this case has not changed since the first indictment was prepared. The prosecutor's opinion alleges that I am a member of the TKP/ML-TİKKO organization, but there is no evidence of any ongoing activity linked to this organization, no photographs, nothing.

"I am not a member of any organization, nor have I ever been involved in one.

"Everyone knows that justice delivered after 25 years is not justice, although it may amount to the restoration of a right. I request my acquittal and release."

Süsem's lawyer, Vahdet Sinan Yerlikaya, also argued that the Constitutional Court's ruling on the rights violation had not been implemented.

Yerlikaya said the defense had requested that Hanife Taş, an eyewitness to the incident underlying the murder charge, testify again. The court had initially granted the request but later reversed its decision.

He said the physical description Taş gave of the perpetrator did not match Süsem's appearance. Yerlikaya also requested an investigation into whether statements taken by police had been given in the presence of a lawyer.

Court: Excluding statements taken without a lawyer would not change verdict

The prosecutor asked the court to reject the defense's requests for additional evidence.

The judges rejected the requests for further investigation and evidence collection, citing the scope of the Court of Cassation's ruling and the stage reached in the proceedings. The court then announced its decision.

The court held that even if statements Süsem made without a lawyer during the investigation were excluded from the grounds for conviction, the remaining evidence did not warrant changing the previous verdict.

On that basis, the court upheld the conviction dated Apr 20, 2009, and ordered that the sentence continue to be enforced.

(HA/VK)

The protest was organized by the We Want Freedom Campaign, an initiative established after the crackdown, which saw 82 people jailed.

Explained: Turkey's 'My Family Is Safe' operations

1 October 2026

'You cannot stop ourt struggle for existence'

Reading out a statement, the group noted that the crackdown coincided with the anniversary of the 1980 coup:

"We wish we could have gathered here today to welcome our friends. However, our LGBTI+ friends, who were taken from us exactly one month ago in an unlawful and oppressive operation by the AKP government, are still being held captive in Sincan Prison.

"The government, which chose to wage war against LGBTI+s and the LGBTI+ movement on the dark anniversary of Sep 12, cannot stop our struggle for existence. "Because we are part of everyday life. We are at school, at home, at work, in parliament, doing sex work, in other words, we are everywhere!"

Jailed trans rights activist Janset Kalan: Remember trans prisoners

2 October 2026

The activists also commemorated Poyraz, a trans man who had died while imprisoned at Sincan Prison:

"Even if walls, barbed wire, prison guards, soldiers and police officers stand between us and our friends, even if the government mobilizes all its resources, we once again shout from outside Sincan Prison, where you killed transgender prisoner Poyraz: Freedom for LGBTI+ prisoners!"

LGBTI+ detainees in Mersin prison report difficulties in accessing clothing, medication

1 October 2026

'You cannot cover up your responsibility by imprisoning us'

The group also accused the government of attempting to deflect responsibility for broader social problems by targeting the LGBTI+ community:

"You, not us, have a hand in the deaths of child workers at MESEMs, the transfer of public resources to capital through funds, femicides and rising violence in schools.

"You cannot cover up your responsibility by imprisoning us. We shout once again: We are not the guilty ones, you are!"

"Despite all the repression, we will continue to struggle together for an equal and free life. We will take our friends back from your machinery of oppression and your prisons!"

The demonstration ended with chants of "Everywhere is a prison, we want freedom" and "Long live our feminist solidarity."

How Turkey’s vague obscenity law is becoming a tool to criminalize LGBTI+ visibility

18 September 2026

(NÖ/VK)

Mahmut Faruk Akşit, general manager of TEI, a state-owned aerospace engine manufacturer, said the restrictions were introduced over concerns that connected vehicles could collect sensitive information about defense facilities or be controlled remotely.

"We no longer allow foreign electric cars onto our campuses," Akşit said on Oct 10 during a conference organized by Pamukkale University in Denizli. "There are too many sensors. With cameras and other equipment, they can map the facility, and we don't have control over them."

Akşit said domestically manufactured electric vehicles were still permitted because Turkish companies retained control over their software and operating systems.

"If you control the software, you can change the passwords and the software to make it secure again. But if someone else controls the software, [the car] will do whatever they want," he said.

"The danger is significant. God forbid, you never know what might happen in a war," Akşit said, describing a scenario in which an attacker could take control of a vehicle and direct it toward the entrance of a military facility, disregarding the presence of passengers. (VK)

Under regulations published in the Official Gazette on Oct 10, social media platforms will be prohibited from allowing children under 15 to open accounts. Users aged 15 to 18 will be subject to separate restrictions designed for minors.

The new rules will take effect for newly created accounts on Nov 1 while verification for existing accounts must be completed by Mar 31.

Although the ban targets children under 15, enforcing it could require platforms to verify the ages of virtually all users to establish who is eligible to access their services.

This could also affect adults who use social media anonymously, as they may have to verify their age through e-Government even if they do not disclose their identity on the platform.

The verification system

Before the legislation was passed in late April, governmet officials had said the verification would be used solely to confirm users' ages. Users' identities will not be disclosed to platforms.

The regulations establish an age verification system based on digital tokens generated through e-Government. Users will authenticate their identity on the government portal, obtain a token and submit it to the social media platform when creating an account.

The platform must then confirm that the token was generated through e-Government under the authority of the Cybersecurity Directorate and determine the user's age category.

Under Article 22 of Law No 7578, which amended Additional Article 4 of the Internet Law No 5651, responsibility for enforcing the restrictions rests with social media providers rather than children or their parents.

Applications to be affected

Turkey's legal framework law defines social network providers as individuals or companies operating platforms that allow users to create, view or share content, including text, images, audio and location information, for social interaction.

Platforms such as Instagram, TikTok, X and Facebook fall within this definition. However, the relevant regulation does not provide a list of covered services, leaving the status of platforms such as YouTube and WhatsApp dependent on how the legal definition is applied. (VK)

The crash occurred near the Akhisar toll booths on the Gebze-Orhangazi-İzmir Highway as the bus was traveling from Bursa toward İzmir. 

Security camera footage from the area showed the bus stopping on the highway and reversing before being struck from behind by the truck.

The Manisa Governor's Office said it received a report of the crash at 11.11 am local time. Ambulances, firefighters, police and gendarmerie units were dispatched to the scene.

Governor Vahdettin Özkan visited the crash site and received information from emergency officials.

Speaking to reporters at the site, Özkan said one of the injured people was in critical condition. "We are experiencing in a painful way how vital it is to strictly obey traffic rules," he said.

Three people were detained as the Akhisar Chief Public Prosecutor's Office is investigating the incident.

The bus driver, identified as M.A., who was injured in the collision, was detained by gendarmerie officers after receiving treatment at a private hospital in Akhisar.

The bus owner and relief driver, identified as M.Y., and truck driver H.K. were also detained after completing their medical treatment, prosecutors said. (VK)

Although the regulation excludes solid fossil fuels, its annexes include activities such as generating electricity and providing district heating and cooling from fossil gas. New nuclear power plant construction is also included in the taxonomy. In addition, plastics and greenhouse gas intensive iron and steel manufacturing have taken their place in the regulation.

The inclusion of fossil gas and nuclear energy among sustainable activities in the green regulation of Turkey, which will host the 31st United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP31), has drawn criticism.

Prof. Dr. Murat Türkeş from the Boğaziçi University Center for Climate Change and Policy Studies, Ümit Şahin, senior scholar and Climate Change Studies Coordinator at the İstanbul Policy Center, and Ömür Yaşayan, head of the İstanbul Branch of the Chamber of Environmental Engineers (ÇMO), assessed the regulation for bianet.

What is Green Taxonomy?

The Green Taxonomy is a classification system designed to support activities aligned with the net-zero emissions target and the vision for green growth.

Prof. Türkeş explains the regulation:

Turkey was working on the taxonomy within the scope of alignment with EU climate change standards and policies and the Green Deal. The Green Taxonomy is a scientific and technical classification that prevents greenwashing by establishing which economic activities and investments are environmentally sustainable and truly green.

The regulation has six objectives:

1. Mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions,
2. Climate change adaptation,
3. Sustainable use and protection of water and marine resources,
4. Transition to a circular economy,
5. Pollution prevention and control,
6. Protection and restoration of biodiversity and ecosystems.

'Including nuclear energy in the taxonomy is unacceptable'

Another topic drawing backlash is the inclusion of nuclear energy in the regulation. The construction and operation of new nuclear power plants were classified as a transition activity. Electricity generation from nuclear energy in existing facilities is also included under this definition.

Ümit Şahin, the climate scientist, stressed that showing nuclear energy within the Green Taxonomy, even as a transition activity, is unacceptable, calling it "completely illogical":

A nuclear plant with a 60 year lifespan... Construction of nuclear plants is also included in the Green Taxonomy. Here, plant construction was added as ‘green and transitional.’ How can a nuclear energy facility that will produce electricity for 60 years be considered a transition? That is already completely illogical. A facility that cannot be shut down for 60 years once built cannot be a transition. Transitioning from where to where? It is completely illogical. An energy source that pollutes the environment so severely and poses health and accident risks like nuclear energy can never be evaluated within a Green Taxonomy. It does not meet any of the six criteria they set themselves. I think it is a huge mistake.

ÇMO İstanbul Branch Chair Ömür Yaşayan noted that opening green finance to gas plants operating for 30 to 40 years, alongside Rosatom’s Akkuyu project and upcoming projects in Sinop and Thrace, reduces the 2053 net-zero target to mere rhetoric:

It carries the risk of locking the country into fossil fuels and radioactive waste issues for decades.

Noting that considering natural gas and nuclear “green” is also received very negatively worldwide, Prof. Dr. Türkeş said:

Nuclear energy has many problems, including accidents, waste disposal, waste management, and external dependency. When you look at it from the perspective of energy security, there is a high dependency on developed countries. Natural gas, on the other hand, is a fossil fuel. In addition to directly contributing to air pollution, it releases methane through leaks and emits carbon dioxide into the atmosphere when burned. These are major issues.

_{Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant (AA)}

Fossil gases in the Green Taxonomy

Yönetmelikte fosil yakıtlara ilişkin faaliyetler “fosil gaz yakıtlar” başlığıyla yer aldı. “Fosil Gaz Yakıtlardan Elektrik Üretimi” başlığı, geçiş faaliyeti olarak eklendi. 

Dikkat çeken diğer ek madde ise “Fosil Gaz Yakıtlardan Yüksek Verimli Isı/Soğutma ve Güç Kojenerasyonu”. Her iki faaliyet de hem iklime uyum, hem de emisyon azaltımı başlıkları altında yer alıyor. 

Ayrıca “Verimli Bir Bölgesel Isıtma ve Soğutma Sisteminde Fosil Gaz Yakıtlardan Isı/Soğutma Üretimi” faaliyeti de her iki başlık altında geçiş faaliyeti olarak sıralandı.

Underlining that including fossil gas in the regulation is also a mistake, Ümit Şahin said, "Gas should have been evaluated together with other fossil fuels. There is no point in excluding other fossil fuels from the Green Taxonomy while including gas. It is already acknowledged that fossil fuels are not green. Fossil gas is also a fossil fuel. It is not green either," adding:

Of course, moving away from fossil fuels must include fossil gas as well. Here, it sounds as if coal and oil are included in the shift away from fossil fuels, but gas is not, which is wrong.

Provisional article points to 2029 for reporting

Prof. Dr. Türkeş points to the provisional article of the regulation, which exempts certain financial institutions from the reporting obligation until Jan 1, 2029:

The regulation is coming out now, but it does not impose mandatory reporting for the financial sector for the time being. Therefore, financial investments that violate the basic criteria set in the regulation can also be made. At least because there is no mandatory reporting, it may be overlooked.

According to Ömür Yaşayan, there are significant gaps regarding reporting:

Reporting is kept voluntary for the real sector; if the share of compliant activities is below 10 percent, the option not to report is provided. Banks, on the other hand, carry no obligations until 2029. Although greenwashing is defined at length in the regulation, it is not tied to any sanctions. In such a system, while a conglomerate's wind investment stands out in the green report, the same conglomerate's coal plant, quarry, or gold mine can remain invisible.

Yaşayan says, "Although the taxonomy creates the perception that it aims to contribute to the fight against climate change, it focuses on the concerns of exporters facing the EU's border carbon adjustment rather than those bearing the burden of the climate crisis."

'Criteria and conditions should not be relaxed'

Saying that "Natural gas and nuclear energy should definitely not be considered green," Prof. Türkeş believes that the “do no significant harm principle” must not be weakened:

Other things can also be added to these for Turkey. We have issues like inspection, control, and the implementation of laws. Criteria and conditions should not be relaxed. Inspection and data infrastructure should be developed. This needs to be strengthened.

Because we know that the real sector in Turkey does not have a transparent data infrastructure to report greenhouse gas emissions and environmental impacts using scientific methodologies. Therefore, unless transparency and technical verification are carried out here, greenwashing inspections will, in my view, remain only on paper. This is, of course, the weak or risky side of the regulation.

Accommodation activities also in the Taxonomy

"Accommodation Activities" are included in the regulation under the title of protection and restoration of biodiversity and ecosystems. These activities include hotels, holiday parks, campgrounds, and similar accommodation places.

Ömür Yaşayan notes that in Turkey, where coasts and forests are opened up to tourism, this brings the risk of repackaging a growth model built on rent and construction under a green label.

Noting that being included in Annex-1 does not automatically mean being considered green, and that technical screening criteria will make the real decision, Yaşayan says, "However, the problem grows right here. These criteria are not included in the regulation; they will be published on the Directorate’s website and can be changed every year through an administrative procedure. No procedure has been defined regarding how public opinion will be received."

'Greenwashing must be tied to sanctions'

The regulation aims to "support economic activities compatible with sustainable development goals, encourage financing flows into sustainable investments, and prevent greenwashing in the market."

Criticizing the regulation's goal of "preventing greenwashing," Yaşayan says this contradicts the list of activities in the annex.

According to Yaşayan, items such as carbon capture, plastics production, and tourism should be removed from the list alongside highly polluting sectors like fossil gas, nuclear, cement, and aluminum:

All fossil fuels should be excluded by removing the word 'solid.' Reporting should be made mandatory, greenwashing should be tied to sanctions, and technical criteria should be determined through an open and transparent process in which scientists, civil society, and affected communities participate with voting rights.

'Not a single professional chamber or environmental organization at the table'

Pointing out that the regulation states criteria will be based on "conclusive scientific evidence," the ÇMO İstanbul Branch head notes:

However, the same article states that competition conditions, investment flows, and the financial system will also be observed, and that the criteria will not distort competition. Yet, the carbon budget is not a boundary that can flex based on whether capital is uncomfortable or not. The 15 member Committee that will approve the criteria consists entirely of representatives from ministries and financial authorities.

There is not a single scientist, professional chamber, trade union, environmental organization, or representative of communities affected by projects at the table. The Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, which carries out Akkuyu and gas investments, is also part of the decision making mechanism on whether these investments will be accepted as green.

According to Yaşayan, the fact that the Emissions Trading System Regulation and the Green Taxonomy Regulation came onto the agenda one after another following the Climate Law cannot be considered independent of this framework.

Life cycle of plastics needs to be analyzed

In the Taxonomy Regulation, activities involving the 'manufacture of primary form plastics and manufacture of plastic packaging products' fall under the following headings:

• Mitigation of Greenhouse Gas Emissions
• Climate Change Adaptation
• Transition to a Circular Economy

Commenting on the issue of plastics as well, Prof. Türkeş says, "A life cycle analysis of plastic must definitely be conducted. This is actually a shortcoming."

Touching upon the importance of renewable energy for Turkey, Prof. Dr. Türkeş says, "Increasing the supply of renewable energy within the primary energy supply, especially increasing the share of wind and solar in electricity generation, reduces external dependency in both the fight against climate change and other fossil fuels like oil, natural gas, and coal."

According to Prof. Dr. Murat Türkeş, a life cycle analysis also needs to be conducted for renewables:

Because some renewable energy technologies, like lithium batteries, have environmental impacts during their production and disposal stages. Therefore, they do not fully correspond to instantaneous emission measurements in the taxonomy.

_AA

'Contrary to the logic of taxonomy'

On the other hand, another notable element in the regulation is high-emission industrial manufacturing. Industrial manufacturing activities, such as iron and steel, cement, and aluminum production, as well as the manufacture of primary form plastics, are listed as transition activities.

Ümit Şahin points out that a distinction should be made with production processes in iron and steel that do not use coal, but this was not done in the taxonomy:

When they do not separate this, iron and steel processes that use coal also become 'green,' which is unacceptable. This goes against the logic of the taxonomy itself. Using coal in energy production is not green; why would using it in iron and steel be green? Taking all types of iron and steel production as a single piece without proper definition in the taxonomy frankly looks as if it were done by mistake. After all, how is it any different from coal thermal power plants?

'Turkey must have a very serious dynamic structure for its net-zero target'

Pointing to human-induced greenhouse gas emissions, one of the main causes of climate change, Prof. Dr. Türkeş says, "There are three conditions I find important. For an economic activity to be considered green, it must significantly contribute to at least one of the six environmental objectives. However, it is also stated that it must do no significant harm to the remaining five objectives and meet minimum social protection criteria observing basic labor and human rights, such as a just transition. These are important."

Noting that Turkey must have a very serious dynamic structure in climate-related regulations to achieve its net-zero targets and alignment with the EU within the scope of the fight against climate change, Prof. Dr. Türkeş says:

I think additional regulations and measures that do not relax the technical screening criteria, and even strengthen this regulation over time, can be made here.

Where is the solution?

In a statement given to bianet by the Chamber of Environmental Engineers (ÇMO), the solution to the critical problems in the regulation and the pursued climate policy was pointed:

Policies should be implemented with the understanding that water, soil, forests, ecosystems, and biodiversity are not merely an economic resource, but life itself, and professional chambers must be made part of this process while implementing these policies.

As the ÇMO İstanbul Branch, we demonstrate through technical reports we have prepared for years that the relationship between protecting İstanbul's natural assets and urbanization and investment policies cannot be ignored.

In our work on Kanal İstanbul and the Yenişehir Reserve Areas, İstanbul's water basins, northern forests, and coastal areas, we shared with the public the impacts of transportation, industry, construction, and large-scale investments not only within their own project boundaries, but on the whole city, and even on the Marmara and Black Seas.

Finally, emphasizing that large-scale projects threatening natural life must be abandoned, the statement reiterated the demand to exit fossil fuels:

Turkey's climate policies should be reevaluated, the use of fossil fuels should be terminated, and nuclear energy projects carrying disaster risks should be avoided.

(CA)

The verdict was delivered at the second hearing of the trial at the Yalova 1st Heavy Penal Court. Gülter, who had been held in pretrial detention on charges of premeditated murder of a parent, denied the accusations throughout the proceedings.

Güllü died on Sep 26, 2025, after falling from her apartment window in the Çınarcık district of Yalova, northwestern Turkey. The court determined that she was pushed by Gülter.

The investigation led to the detention of Gülter and her friend Sultan Nur Ulu, who was also present in the apartment at the time of the incident. Gülter was subsequently arrested, while Ulu was initially placed under house arrest. Prosecutors charged Ulu with giving false testimony, seeking a prison sentence of two to four years.

Conflicting accounts

During today's hearing, Gülter, 28, said she had been dancing and singing with her mother and Ulu shortly before the fall.

"Then there was a sound. When I turned around, my mother was gone. Then I shouted to Sultan, 'Run.' We went downstairs together," she told the court.

Gülter denied pushing her mother, insisting that her back had been turned at the time.

Ulu, however, testified at the previous hearing that she had witnessed Gülter throw her mother from the window. She also alleged that Gülter threatened her at Güllü's funeral, saying, "If you expose me, I'll expose you too."

Ulu said she initially gave a different account because she was in shock.

Defense challenges evidence

The trial also examined security recordings from cameras inside the apartment containing the phrase "See you later," heard around the time of the fall.

Gülter's lawyer, Merve Uçanok, argued that the voice belonged to Güllü and presented a video of the singer using the same phrase.

Uçanok also raised the possibility of an accidental fall, citing photographs of objects near the window and an initial autopsy report describing a slippery surface.

She questioned whether Güllü could have been thrown from the window without resisting and argued that Gülter would not have committed the act in front of a witness while knowing cameras were present.

In her final statement, Gülter again denied the allegations and accused witnesses of making false statements.

"I do not accept the accusations against me. I never saw the moment my mother fell," she said. "No matter what sentence you give me, I know I am innocent.

After a recess, the court announced its verdict, sentencing Gülter to aggravated life imprisonment.

(VK)

The investigation led by the İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office identified 141 individuals and 73 companies that each made more than 100 million liras from funds managed by Tera, Pusula and Hedef Portföy.

The individuals collectively earned 100.68 billion liras, while the companies recorded profits of 86.98 billion liras, according to the investigation findings (1 US dollar = 49.34 Turkish lira).

More than 500,000 people had invested in the funds affected by the crisis.

Gürlek told Sabah newspaper today that prosecutors had forwarded the identities of those who profited from the funds to the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF).

The TMSF has begun formally notifying those on the list to return the money. Recovered funds will be held in accounts established to compensate affected investors.

Inside knowledge

Gürlek said investigators were focusing particularly on investors who sold their fund holdings and withdrew their money between Sep 13 and Sep 16, just before the crisis began.

According to the minister, investigators determined that these investors had exited the funds after receiving advance information about the situation. He said the investigation had been expanded to examine those transactions.

Treasury and Finance Minister Mehmet Şimşek separately announced that 17 funds available through the Turkish Electronic Fund Trading Platform (TEFAS) had been liquidated, with money belonging to 43,000 investors transferred to the relevant banks.

Investment fund crisis: AKP deputy chair resigns after substantial gains alleged as dozens jailed

28 September 2026

Background

The crisis began on Sep 17, when investment funds holding large positions in stocks with limited freely tradable shares struggled to meet investors' redemption requests.

The Capital Markets Board (SPK) subsequently suspended trading through TEFAS for funds managed by seven portfolio management companies and ordered the liquidation of 131 funds.

The regulator said funds managed by some portfolio companies had contributed to price movements in low-float stocks that could not be explained by the companies' financial performance or economic circumstances.

Turkey’s investment fund crisis in 10 questions: Phantom returns and a market meltdown

21 September 2026

Authorities ordered the liquidation of funds with a combined volume of approximately 18.3 billion US dollars.

The SPK had already tightened regulations on Aug 28, introducing stricter requirements covering portfolio concentration, related-party transactions, valuation methods and hedge fund operations.

Under Article 107 of Turkey's Capital Markets Law, transactions intended to create false or misleading impressions about the price, price movements, supply or demand of financial instruments can constitute market fraud. (VK)

Search and rescue operations have now concluded as no one is left under the rubble.

The bodies were taken to the Forensic Medicine Institute for autopsies.

The collapse occurred at around 5.40 am yesterday on Doğu Street, when the building's lower three floors gave way and the four upper floors tilted sideways.

Ten people were rescued with injuries, while two others were found dead in the initial rescue operations.

Emergency crews later suspended rescue efforts because of the risk of the remaining structure collapsing and began a controlled demolition process.

Three neighboring buildings were also evacuated as a precaution.

Unauthorized floors 

The building, constructed in 1987, had a commercial unit on the ground floor and 12 apartments on the upper floors.

İstanbul Governor Davut Gül previously said official records showed that 33 people lived in the building, including 14 registered in four apartments affected by the collapse.

Maltepe Mayor Esin Köymen said the building's top two floors had been added without authorization.

Discussions about redeveloping the building under an urban renewal project had previously taken place, but no agreement was reached with apartment owners. 

Two detained 

The İstanbul Anadolu Chief Public Prosecutor's Office has launched an investigation into the collapse.

The building's architect and construction site manager were detained as part of the investigation.

Authorities have also sought to identify officials whose signatures appeared on the building's licensing and permit documents. (VK)

The operation followed a tip-off to the Provincial Police Department that a monkey was being kept at a home in the province.

Police officers and teams from the Nature Conservation and National Parks Directorate conducted a joint raid at the address.

During a search of the property, officers found and seized the young monkey. Authorities identified the animal as a rhesus macaque, which was described as an endangered species.

One person was detained following the operation, and legal proceedings were initiated against the suspect for allegedly violating anti-smuggling legislation.

Officials from the relevant agencies are carrying out the necessary procedures concerning the rescued animal. (VK)

The İzmir 7th Administrative Court ruled that the plans approved for the Lodos Karaburun Elektrik Üretim A.Ş. company and the permit issued by Karaburun Municipality were inconsistent with planning and conservation principles and did not serve the public interest.

The ruling, dated Sep 24, concerns a solar power plant planned for agricultural land near Yaylaköy village, including olive groves and land designated for environmental protection.

The zoning plans had been prepared by the Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change Ministry, while the municipality had issued the construction permit.

The lawsuit was filed on behalf of Mustafa Şenbahar, who acquired barren land from the Treasury in 2007 for olive cultivation and transformed it into an olive grove. The local administrative office of Küçükbahçe neighborhood, which has grazing lands within the project area, also joined the lawsuit.

Court finds project contrary to public interest

In its decision, the court examined the agricultural and environmental status of the land covered by the project's zoning plans.

The plans included 624,624 square meters of protected agricultural land west of Yaylaköy, designated for specialized crop production.

They also covered 9,733 square meters of olive groves and land suitable for olive cultivation east of the village.

The court emphasized that the entire project site falls within a Special Environmental Protection Area.

It concluded that the zoning plans and the permits issued for the solar power plant violated urban planning and conservation principles, planning requirements and the public interest.

The same project's positive environmental impact assessment (EIA) decision had previously been annulled.

However, while litigation over the EIA decision was still underway, the company illegally removed olive trees from the plantation site.

Cases continue over tree removal

Lawyer Cem Altıparmak, commenting on the Sep 24 ruling, said separate legal proceedings against company officials over the removal of the olive trees remained ongoing.

A criminal case before the Karaburun Penal Court of First Instance accuses company officials of removing the trees without authorization to use the property.

Altıparmak cited the allegation that the defendants had "uprooted olive trees on the property without having actual rights of use" and "repeatedly committed the offense of damage to property involving any planted tree, sapling or vine cutting, wherever located, except in areas classified as state forests," under Article 152/1-c of the Turkish Penal Code.

A separate compensation lawsuit is also pending before the Karaburun Civil Court of First Instance.

Turkey prepares to open olive groves for mining to ‘feed power plants’

16 July 2025

Allocation of farmland to energy companies

Altıparmak said he and his colleagues had spent more than a decade pursuing legal cases, particularly on the Karaburun Peninsula, to highlight the ecological and socioeconomic consequences of renewable energy developments.

"Although wind and solar power plants do not emit carbon, they require enormous amounts of land. Particularly in the Aegean, Marmara and Central Anatolia regions, thousands of decares of Treasury land, agricultural land, forests and pastures are allocated to companies for wind and solar power projects," he said.

The lawyer argued that areas officially categorized as "unused land" or "marginal agricultural land" are often communal resources that local communities have relied on for generations.

"Transferring these lands to companies disconnects local communities from their subsistence economies, forcing them into wage labor or migration," he said.

Olive groves turned into mining fields overnight: 'This is not just an environmental issue'

6 August 2025

Commercial interests framed as environmental concerns

Altıparmak also pointed to differing public attitudes toward communities opposing fossil fuel and renewable energy projects.

"While villagers resisting thermal power plants may rightly gain public sympathy, villagers elsewhere who try to defend their pastures, forests and agricultural land against a supposedly 'clean energy' project can be branded by companies and civil society as 'reactionary people who slow down climate action and fail to understand the public interest,'" he said.

He argued that this distinction allowed companies to frame commercial interests as environmental necessities.

"This double standard provides an unparalleled opportunity for appropriating the commons and greenwashing by shielding companies' private commercial profits behind a lofty public interest such as 'saving the planet,'" he said.

The lawyer added that he and his colleagues would continue supporting people affected by the actions of public authorities and companies, opposing all forms of what he described as green dispossession and greenwashing. (CA/VK)

The Gaziosmanpaşa 16th Penal Court of First Instance convicted Uğur S. of "causing death through conscious negligence."

The court declined to grant a discretionary sentence reduction for good behavior but ordered his release, citing the time he had already spent in detention and the completion of evidence collection.

Uğur S. spent only five months in custody and was released for the second time within six months and 20 days of the crash.

The Gaziosmanpaşa Chief Public Prosecutor's Office challenged the release order the same day, seeking the driver's rearrest.

At least 44 moto couriers killed on the job in Turkey in 2025

14 January 2026

Court orders release

The final hearing was held at the Gaziosmanpaşa 16th Penal Court of First Instance yesterday. Karabulut's mother, Serap Turhal, his sister, Bahar Tekir, and lawyers for both sides attended.

Uğur S., who was in custody, participated remotely through videoconference.

The prosecutor reiterated the opinion presented at the previous hearing, seeking a conviction for "causing death through conscious negligence" and the continuation of the defendant's detention.

Lawyers representing Karabulut's family argued that the offense should be classified as "intentional killing with probable intent" rather than conscious negligence. They asked the court to decline jurisdiction and refer the case to a heavy penal court.

Are couriers dangerous, or is the courier profession itself?

29 September 2024

Uğur S. repeated his previous defense, acknowledging that his driver's license had previously been suspended for six months after he was found driving with a blood alcohol level of 0.054 percent.

He claimed that he had applied the brakes to avoid the crash and requested his acquittal and release.

Rejecting the family's arguments concerning probable intent, the court ruled that the defendant's actions constituted conscious negligence.

Under Article 85/1 of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), the court initially imposed a five-year prison sentence. It then increased the sentence by half to seven years and six months because the offense involved conscious negligence.

The court also declined to apply the discretionary sentence reduction provisions under Article 62 of the TCK, finding no grounds for a favorable assessment that the defendant would refrain from committing another offense.

Nevertheless, the court ordered his release. It cited the completion of his defense, the absence of evidence that could be tampered with, the time already spent in detention and its finding that continued detention would serve no further purpose.

The court also ordered the suspension of Uğur S.'s driver's license for two years, beginning after he completes his prison sentence.

Prosecutors cite 'concrete evidence' of flight risk

The Gaziosmanpaşa Chief Public Prosecutor's Office filed an objection to the release order, arguing that the severity of the sentence constituted grounds for continued detention, even though the conviction was not yet final.

Prosecutors also pointed to the defendant's conduct following an earlier release, including his failure to surrender after an arrest warrant was issued.

Uğur S. had previously been released after the first hearing. Following an objection by prosecutors, a warrant for his arrest was issued on Aug 7.

However, he did not voluntarily surrender. Police apprehended him on Sep 11, 35 days after the warrant was issued.

Prosecutors argued that the latest release order failed to address concrete circumstances indicating a risk of flight following the conviction.

They also challenged the decision to release him without imposing any judicial supervision measures.

Family to appeal ruling

Karabulut's family and motorcycle couriers who attended the hearing criticized both the sentence and the decision to release the driver.

The family and couriers said they would continue their legal fight before higher courts.

The conviction remains subject to appeal. Prosecutors' request to overturn the release order and have the defendant rearrested also remains pending before the judiciary.

A video of the press statement following the hearing is available on Kurye Haber's YouTube channel.

Expert reports found courier was not at fault

Batuhan Karabulut was killed on Mar 17, 2026, while working on the TEM highway near Eyüpsultan-5. Levent in İstanbul.

The car driven by Uğur S. struck vehicles traveling in the same direction before hitting Karabulut's motorcycle from behind. Karabulut died at the scene.

A test conducted approximately five hours after the crash found that Uğur S. had a blood alcohol level of 0.143 percent. He had also resisted police attempts to administer an alcohol test at the scene.

Expert reports submitted to the court found Uğur S. "primarily and entirely at fault" for the crash, while determining that Karabulut bore no responsibility.

In their final opinion, prosecutors said the defendant had made an improper lane change, failed to adjust his speed to road and traffic conditions, and violated traffic regulations.

They also concluded that his alcohol consumption had left him unable to operate the vehicle safely. (HA/VK)

İzmir Mayor Cemil Tugay joined the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) yesterday at a ceremony attended by Erdoğan, reversing his earlier stance that there was "not a one-in-a-million chance" he would join the party.

The switch carries symbolic significance because İzmir has long been regarded as a secular stronghold during the Erdoğan era. The AKP has never finished first in a local or general election in İzmir since coming to power in 2002.

Tugay's decision was met with protests in İzmir, with crowds chanting "traitor Cemil" in multiple locations.

The move comes amid a sweeping crackdown on opposition-controlled municipalities that has seen more than 40 opposition mayors removed from office, including 35 who were jailed.

Thirty-one opposition mayors removed from office since 2024 elections

2 April 2026

While the opposition has retained control of most of these municipalities, more than a dozen have come under AKP control. Some mayors have left the Republican People’s Party (CHP) to join the AKP, while some municipalities have changed hands following shifts in the balance of power in municipal councils. These councils elect acting mayors when elected mayors are suspended.

The suspended mayors include those of the major cities of İstanbul, Antalya, Mersin, Adana and Bursa.

Nine opposition mayors join Erdoğan's party as CHP claims blackmail

14 August 2025

According to Özel, Tugay could have been among those jailed had he not joined the AKP.

Özel, who founded the New Party in July after being removed as CHP leader by a court order, claimed that Tugay was a suspect in two separate corruption investigations.

One concerns alleged irregularities at an İzmir Metropolitan Municipality subsidiary involved in urban renewal projects. Municipal officials are accused of obtaining personal benefits through a construction cooperative. Several people have already been detained as part of the probe.

The second investigation concerns Tugay’s tenure as mayor of İzmir’s Karşıyaka district, Özel told Nefes newspaper today.

"[Tugay] gave in to threats and blackmail. He said 'yes' to the offer, but İzmir will not bow to threats," Özel asserted.

He also claimed that Tugay would hold only a symbolic role from now on. "They will appoint a powerful secretary-general to the municipality, and [Tugay] will be nothing more than a puppet," he asserted. "As I see it, Cemil is a traitor to us and a puppet to them."

Opposition concerned over İstanbul takeover as council member resigns

18 September 2026

Opposition in disarray

Following its establishment, the New Party succeeded in attracting most CHP deputies, with 91 former CHP deputies joining the New Party and only 35 remaining with the CHP.

At the local level, however, the New Party has struggled to win over CHP mayors and municipal council members, most of whom have remained with the CHP.

The developments have left the opposition in disarray following a successful local election campaign in 2024 that was oncethey saw as a springboard for victory in the next general election. The party has since split, many of its mayors have been jailed, and the opposition has lost control of several municipalities.

Ankara mayor resigns from CHP, citing disruption of opposition unity

23 September 2026

(VK)

Saleh Omar Jalal, who has lived in Afyonkarahisar since 2018, attended an interview at the Provincial Directorate of Migration Management on May 20 as part of his application for international protection.

Jalal requested a Kurdish interpreter, explaining that his Turkish was insufficient to describe his circumstances and the reasons for seeking protection in detail. His request was denied, and his application documents listed him as an Afghan national.

"They told me there was no Kurdish interpreter. Then they said, 'Either you attend the interview or we will have to send you to another city,'" Jalal said.

"Because of this, I could not fully explain the reasons for my international protection application or the events I had experienced. They recorded me as an Afghan national. My status was put at risk."

Article 70 of Turkey's Law No. 6458 on Foreigners and International Protection provides for interpretation services during application, registration and interview procedures when requested by an international protection applicant.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) states that interpretation assistance during international protection procedures in Turkey is provided through officials at provincial migration management directorates.

Kurdish-language assistance is also available upon request through UNHCR's counseling hotline.

'I only wanted legal assistance'

Following the interview, Jalal sought legal assistance from the Association for Solidarity with Asylum Seekers and Migrants (SGDD-ASAM), visiting its office on Jul 17.

He said he explained to staff that Kurdish was his native language and that he needed legal support regarding his international protection application.

According to Jalal, staff threatened to call the police if he did not leave the office.

"My only purpose was to explain the interpretation problem I had experienced during the international protection procedures and to obtain legal assistance," he said.

"Applicants in particular need to be able to explain themselves properly. We need access to interpretation services and legal assistance."

Jalal said the lack of an interpreter had resulted in an error in his official records that needed to be corrected.

"They did not provide me with an interpreter. As a result, the Provincial Directorate of Migration Management registered me as an Afghan national even though I am an Iraqi citizen," he said.

"This needs to be corrected. My applications have been put at risk. Eight years of effort will go to waste." (FY/VK)

The first three floors of the building in the Cevizli neighborhood collapsed at around 5.40 am, according to a statement from the Gorvernor's Office. The reason for the collapse remains unknown.

Firefighters, police, medical personnel and disaster response teams were dispatched to the scene. Residents stranded on the upper floors, which remained standing, were evacuated.

Rescue workers, assisted by search dogs, pulled five people from the debris and transferred them to nearby hospitals. İstanbul Governor Davut Gül said none of those rescued had life-threatening injuries.

Rescuers are searching for three people

Gül visited the site with İstanbul Security Director Selami Yıldız and briefed reporters on the rescue operation.

The building was constructed in 1987 and consisted of a ground floor used for commercial purposes and six residential floors containing 12 apartments.

Population records show that 33 people lived in the building, including 14 registered in four apartments damaged by the collapse.

"We have determined that two of the people living in these four apartments are out of town. Of the remaining 12, five have been rescued. We have established contact with four of the seven others, while search and rescue efforts continue for the remaining three," Gül said.

Nearby buildings evacuated

Gül said nearby buildings considered at risk had also been evacuated as authorities worked to secure the area.

Residents displaced by the collapse will be accommodated in a hotel arranged by AFAD.

Gül said the cause of the collapse and any potential irregularities in the building's permits would be examined through judicial and administrative proceedings.

Maltepe, located on the southern coast of İstanbul's Asian side, is among the city's districts considered to be at high risk of earthquakes. (VK)

Bucak, 81, had previously spent 22 years in exile before returning to Turkey in 2014 during a peace process, before leacing again in 2016 after the process failed and a crackdown was initiated on the Kurdish political movement. He has since lived in Germany.

His daughter, Diyarbakır Co-Mayor Serra Bucak, welcomed him at Diyarbakır Airport.

'The Kurds haven’t cowered'

Speaking to bianet about his first impressions of the city, Bucak said he observed significant change in the outlook of Diyarbakır while the Kurdish political engagement remained strong:

“The city has changed. Huge buildings have been constructed. The old Diyarbakır is gone.

"There’s a sense of movement in the community. The excitement at the Diyarbakır Book Fair, the interest shown by 18-year-olds in Selahattin Demirtaş’s books… There’s no retreat among the Kurds.

"Ten years ago, society was dynamic. Then came the June 7 elections. From HEP all the way to the HDP, the Kurds crossed the electoral threshold for the first time. There was such a major development back then as well, but the Kurds came under pressure. Severe pressure was applied. I had thought the Kurds would cower in the face of these operations, that they might have already cowered. But I was wrong. The Kurds haven’t cowered; they’re standing tall. They’re watching the process unfold. They view the process positively.”

'This is different from the 2013 process'

Regarding the ongoing Kurdish peace process, Bucak noted that "the elite segment, especially intellectuals and the left" views the process negatively:

“There are major differences between the 2013 process and this one. The Kurds’ participation had not been legally recognized. In fact, Mr. Öcalan had specifically stated that a law needed to be drafted and passed by Parliament.

"Now there is a law. Although this law is aimed at dismantling the PKK, the fact that the existence of the Kurdish side has been recognized by Parliament for the first time is a positive development. This is a long process.”

INTERVIEW WITH TÜLAY HATİMOĞULLARI

'Peace process must be made irreversible to succeed'

17 August 2026

'I'm a politician, not a terrorist'

Despite his positive view of the peace process, Bucak criticized the terminology in the peace process law passed in August, saying he returned before it took effect because he did not identify with the language used in it.

“There are certain terms in the law: ‘terrorism,’ ‘terrorist,’ ‘the elimination of terrorism... I have never seen myself as a terrorist. I am not a terrorist. I am a lawyer. I am a Kurdish intellectual. I am a Kurdish politician.

“That is why I came early. I did not wait for the law to enter into force. People are uncomfortable because the law is framed within the context of terrorism.”

Nearly 4,000 prisoners could be released under Turkey’s Kurdish peace law

17 August 2026

'I wish they could all return'

Bucak said many Kurdish politicians living in Europe were waiting for the law to take effect before deciding whether to return:

“Politicians in Europe are waiting for the law to take effect. Some of them are facing court cases. There is a final, binding verdict against İdris Baluken, a former member of the İmralı delegation.

"Sixty-five percent of the politicians in Europe will return. I wish they could all return. They should spend the rest of their lives engaged in democratic politics in Turkey. If the Constitutional Court’s rulings were implemented, many more people would return. Dozens of politicians would be released from prison.

"I am hopeful that I will see Selahattin Demirtaş in the near future. In Turkey, especially over the past one and a half to two years, no funerals have been coming from the mountains or the plains. Neither Turkish mothers nor Kurdish mothers are weeping. This makes me happy. Inshallah, this process will continue in this way. I am grateful to everyone who has worked hard and sweated during this process.”

The right not to be killed

14 August 2026

'I'm proud of my daughter'

Bucak also spoke about his daughter’s election as Diyarbakır co-mayor:

"When my daughter was elected co-mayor, she said, ‘My father won’t be able to come and congratulate me—unfortunately, he’s in exile.’ I’ll be making up for that belated celebration soon. I’ll visit her at city hall. I’ll have some tea or coffee with her. I’ll visit her at city hall. She’s working hard and doing her best. She wants to make a difference. The people are happy with her. I can see that.

"She got to where she is today through her own efforts and hard work. It’s a good feeling. When I left Turkey, my daughter was the first council member at the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality and an advisor to Gültan Kışanak. After that, the process of appointing a trustee began, and it took a long time. From 2016 to 2026—that’s 10 years.

"On my second visit, my daughter was now the Co-Mayor of the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality. It was a source of pride for me. God willing, she’ll rise to even greater heights. She’ll serve the people of Diyarbakır even more. Especially, she’ll carry out the projects she’s promised.”

'Women politicians’ role in peace process cannot be reduced to a ‘softening voice’'

12 August 2026

(FY/VK)

The monthly toll has now exceeded 200 for five consecutive months, the first time that has happened since İSİG began keeping records in 2013.

İSİG recorded 155 work-related deaths in January, 129 in February, 151 in March, 190 in April, 214 in May, 228 in June, 216 in July and 227 in August.

Of the 226 deaths in September, 79 occurred in industry, 54 in construction, 48 in the service sector and 45 in agriculture.

Women and migrant workers

Twenty-one of those killed were women and 14 were migrant workers from Syria, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Bulgaria, Iraq, Russia and Ukraine.

At least seven of the workers who died in September were union members, while 219 were not. Nonunion workers accounted for 97 percent of the deaths.

Three of the child deaths occurred in agriculture, with the others recorded in food production, textiles, metalworking, construction and accommodation services.

Eleven of the workers who died in September were 65 or older.

Sixty-six child worker deaths in nine months

The report also recorded the deaths of eight child workers in September. Five were 14 or younger, while three were between 15 and 17. At least 66 child workers have died since the start of the year.

The group said Vocational Education Centers (MESEM), had become one of the most visible areas of child labor over the past two years:

“An institutional and legal mechanism has been created to bring child labor into production as a low-cost, even free, insecure and unregulated workforce.

“At this point, the issue that needs to be discussed regarding MESEMs is not only the lack of inspections or occupational safety measures, but the model itself, which makes child labor an ordinary and acceptable element of the labor market.”

Child labor outside the MESEM system continued informally, particularly in agriculture, small businesses, industrial sites and seasonal work, the goup noted.

Sectors 

Construction and road work recorded the highest number of deaths by sector, with 50 workers killed. Agriculture and forestry followed with 45 deaths, transportation with 28, municipal and general services with 16, and shipbuilding, shipyards, maritime and port work with 15.

Commerce, office work, education and cinema recorded 10 deaths, accommodation and entertainment nine, and mining seven.

Traffic and shuttle accidents were the leading cause of work-related deaths in September, killing 49 workers.

Another 41 workers died after falling from heights, 40 in crushing incidents or collapses, and 30 from heart attacks or brain hemorrhages.

Electrocution caused 15 deaths, poisoning and suffocation 14, and violence 13.

Work-related deaths were recorded in 62 cities across Turkey and in six countries abroad during September.

İstanbul had the highest number, with 39 deaths. It was followed by Antep with nine, Ankara and Urfa with eight each, Düzce and Manisa with seven each, and Samsun and Trabzon with six each. (HA/VK)

The Bakırköy 17th Heavy Penal Court handed down the sentences to Abdurrahman Murat and Adnan Şahin at the fourth hearing in the case, finding the defendants guilty of intentional killing.

Murat and Şahin joined the proceedings from prison through videoconference. Tosun’s family and lawyers Hakan Bozyurt and Cemal Yücel were present in the courtroom.

Journalists and those seeking to follow the hearing were not allowed into the main courtroom and instead watched on screens in an overflow room. Many others who could not find space remained outside the courthouse.

The hearing

After the hearing began, Tosun’s lawyers asked the court to convict the defendants of intentional killing.

“We repeat our requests. We ask that they be punished for intentional killing,” Yücel said.

Hakan Bozyurt, another lawyer for the Tosun family, argued that the attack was organized and said Yusuf Özakdağ, a third person seen on a motorcycle in camera footage, should also be tried as a defendant.

Tosun’s mother, Fatma Tosun, raised the same issue during the hearing, asking, “Why is the third person still outside?”

Footage contradicts witness statements

Bozyurt said video footage submitted throughout the trial showed that Tosun did not engage with the defendants before the attack.

“From the very beginning of the trial, we clearly showed through the footage how the killing in Esenyurt took place,” he said. “Hakan is sitting in one place and has no contact with anyone throughout the incident. I have watched it many times. Hakan never gets up and does not even raise his hand.

“The footage shows the defendant kicking Hakan violently in the head. It also shows him being assaulted while being held by the hair.”

Bozyurt further said witness statements claiming Tosun had not been beaten were contradicted by the camera footage.

Referring again to Özakdağ, the third person, he said footage showed him following events on Tosun’s motorcycle.

“Adnan Şahin gets out of his car and assaults Hakan. Şahin and Murat then leave by car. At that point, Yusuf Özakdağ gets on Hakan’s motorcycle and watches. The camera footage shows that he is watching. He stops the vehicle. Şahin later comes back and assaults him,” Bozyurt said.

He added that the forensic report was consistent with Tosun having died as a result of the assault.

“Hakan did not react in any way. He was beaten repeatedly and severely enough to cause his death,” Bozyurt said.

Murat and Şahin repeated their previous statements and asked to be released. Their lawyers sought acquittal.

The court ultimately convicted both men of intentional killing and sentenced each to life imprisonment.

(CA/FY/VK)

The move gives the AKP control of Turkey’s third-largest city, a secular stronghold where the ruling party had not won an election since coming to power in 2002.

Tugay had been elected mayor in the 2024 local elections as a member of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) with 49 percent of the vote while the AKP's candidate had secued 37 percent.

Tugay's switch comes amid a corruption crackdown targeting municipalities won by the CHP in those elections. Since operations began in Mar 2025, more than 35 mayors have been arrested and removed from office, including mayors of metropolitan municipalities such as İstanbul, Antalya, Adana, Bursa and Mersin.

More than 30 mayors, including district and city mayors, have so far also left the CHP and joined the AKP. 

Tugay had prevously said he would "never" join the AKP. He resigned from the CHP in June.

Nine opposition mayors join Erdoğan's party as CHP claims blackmail

14 August 2025

Last month, Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavaş announced that he was leaving the CHP and would continue his duty as an independent.

The opposition, which scored significant gains in the 2024 local elections, has now lost control of two of Turkey’s three largest cities. İstanbul is being run by an acting mayor from CHP, although the opposition is concerned that the AKP could also gain control there through changes in the composition of the municipal council.

Opposition concerned over İstanbul takeover as council member resigns

18 September 2026

Meanwhile, police took security measures in İzmir against potential protests, erecting barricades in Cumhuriyet and Konak Atatürk squares.

Erdoğan: İzmir is even more beautiful today

Opening his speech at the ceremony, Erdoğan said, “İzmir is even more beautiful today.”

The president praised Tugay and others for their decision to join AKP:

“The AK Party family continues to grow even further with new members. Those who are tired of the pressure of party feudal lords see the AK Party as the safest address. Those who want to serve their voters seek the solution here. Every other claim is speculation and slander.”

“The AK Party is a party that wrote the book on municipal government in Turkey.”

“Municipal government is a position of sacrifice. We do not practice municipal government to fill our own pockets or the pockets of our spouses, friends and relatives. On the contrary, we do it to improve the well-being of the nation and build beautiful cities.”

“I would like to say welcome to the AK Party family to İzmir Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Cemil Tugay, who has joined us today. I want to emphasize that we will support him with all our means in his efforts to serve İzmir, the pearl of the Aegean.”

A brief history of politician transfers in Turkey

19 September 2025

Tugay: I love İzmir

Tugay spoke to reporters while he was entering the AKP headquarters, saying, "Good things are awaiting İzmir, no reason to worry. I love İzmir."

In his speech at the ceremony, he said he had joined the AKP because he believed in and trusted its political path:

“I grew up in İzmir, became a doctor and served for 30 years as a physician. For some time, I have also been serving through politics. All of our citizens have become my family.

“The AK Party is the protector of those who have no one. I have joined this movement with belief and trust, under the leadership of our president, to accompany those who have devoted themselves to the path of a great and strong Turkey.

“With the leadership of our president and the valuable support of the AK Party family, we are setting out to solve İzmir’s problems and rebuild the city."

(VK)

The Bakırköy 7th Penal Judgeship of Peace issued the decision on Sep 30, 2026. The ruling also targeted the accounts of several journalists, including İrfan Değirmenci, Şirin Payzın, Burak Acerakis, Erdal Sağlam, Dinçer Gökçe, Sarya Toprak, Esra Tokat and Furkan Karabay, according to the Freedom of Expression Association (İFÖD), a group monitoring online censorship.

bianet received no notification about the ruling.

While X made some of the accounts unavailable in Turkey following the decision, bianet’s account remained accessible at the time of publication.

The same X accounts belonging to Değirmenci and Payzın were also blocked under a Sep 16 decision.

bianet editor, other journalists targeted in new social media censorship wave

1 October 2026

bianet’s X account had previously been targeted by an access-ban order during the countrywide protests in March last year, which began after then-İstanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu's detention. X did not enforce that decision.

X typically implements most of access-ban orders it receives from Turkish authorities.

The latest ruling comes amid a wave of online censorship in Turkey since last month. Hundreds of X accounts, including those of rights groups and activists, were blocked as part of the “My Family Is Safe” operations targeting the LGBTI+ community.

The blocked accounts included those of the İFÖD. 

The website and social media accounts of independent news outlet T24 were also blocked over articles about the LGBTI+ community. (HA/VK)

Residents noticed the vehicle in a vacant lot and alerted police and medical teams. Ballı, 46, was found dead in the driver’s seat. The vehicle was working.

An initial examination indicated that Ballı died of a gunshot wound, possibly a suicide.

Ballı’s name had recently surfaced in an investment fund investigation in which 85 people were arrested over the past two weeks.

At an early stage of the investigation, prosecutors sought asset restrictions against 30 people, including Ballı. The measures against him were later lifted following statements taken and evidence collected.

Turkey’s investment fund crisis in 10 questions: Phantom returns and a market meltdown

21 September 2026

News reports had also identified Ballı as a business partner of Mustafa Yazıcı, the son of Hayati Yazıcı, deputy chair of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Born in Mersin in 1980, Ballı graduated from Sakarya University’s Department of Metallurgical and Materials Engineering.

Ballı held management positions and partnerships in companies operating in digital participation banking, financing, electronic money, payment systems and asset management. He also served as chair of the FKB, a professional organization with public institution status operating under Law No. 6361 on Financial Leasing, Factoring, Financing and Savings Financing Companies.

The association represents the financial leasing, factoring, financing, asset management and savings financing sectors. (AEK/VK)

The court’s General Assembly issued the ruling in an individual application filed by Mahmut Kaçan, finding a violation of the right protected under Article 34 of the Constitution.

The court said a blanket ban on meetings and demonstrations requires a concrete danger to public order or a genuine threat. Authorities must also show that the danger cannot be addressed through less restrictive measures.

According to the ruling, authorities must demonstrate that the disadvantages created by a ban are justified by the aim of protecting public order and provide reasoning detailed enough to allow judicial review.

Fifteen-day bans for months

The Van Governor’s Office issued 18 separate bans in 2019, beginning on Apr 3 and ending with a decision dated Nov 24. The measures prohibited all events in the province except certain sports activities.

Authorities initially cited a hunger strike launched by Leyla Güven against the isolation of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. The hunger strikes ended in May 2019.

The Governor’s Office continued the restrictions, however, arguing that subsequent events could pose risks to public order and security, be subject to provocation and lead to violence.

Events and Demonstrations Banned in Van for Another 15 Days

10 February 2020

It repeatedly banned demonstrations and events, citing the need to ensure "national security."

The prolonged restrictions in Van had begun on Nov 21, 2016, and continued without interruption until Jun 27, 2022. They remained in effect for 2,045 days, or about five years and seven months.

Rather than being imposed through a single five-year decision, the restrictions were maintained largely through successive 15-day bans. The Constitutional Court application concerned only the measures imposed in 2019.

Kaçan filed a lawsuit seeking the annulment of the ban, arguing that it was based on abstract and hypothetical grounds. He said the state was responsible for taking necessary precautions where security risks existed and that systematic bans made exercising fundamental rights practically impossible.

The Van 2nd Administrative Court rejected the case, finding that the measure pursued legitimate aims, including protecting public order and security and preventing crime, and was proportionate. The Erzurum Regional Administrative Court later rejected Kaçan’s appeal in a final ruling.

5-year demonstration ban in Van extended again

3 May 2021

‘Possible security risks are not enough’

The Constitutional Court found the Governor’s Office’s reasoning insufficient under constitutional standards.

It said the mere fact that a meeting or demonstration was announced through media outlets or social media accounts sympathetic to an organization was not sufficient grounds for a ban.

The court also found that an event being embraced by an organization, supported by certain groups or potentially turning into a celebratory gathering did not by itself establish a foreseeable threat of violence or a clear and imminent danger.

The Governor’s Office had also failed to explain how the events could lead to violence, provocation or terrorism offenses and which concrete circumstances supported those concerns, the court said.

"Although the competent authorities have an obligation to take measures to protect public order, security and the rights of others during meetings or demonstrations, a ban on all meetings and demonstrations based solely on possible security risks cannot be regarded as constitutionally sufficient.

"Undoubtedly, the administration’s obligation to provide reasons does not mean that its decision must include every detail concerning public order and security. However, in such a case, it must be demonstrated with relevant and sufficient reasoning that the administration’s positive obligation to ensure the exercise of the right no longer applies and that the interference meets a pressing social need.

"Otherwise, the right may be restricted on the basis of abstract considerations concerning public order and security, which may lead to unforeseeable limitations on the right."

The court concluded that the administration had failed to substantiate its security concerns in a "concrete, specific and sufficient manner."

‘A ban should be the last resort’

The Constitutional Court also stressed that the state is responsible not only for preserving public order but also for ensuring that peaceful meetings and demonstrations can take place safely.

Authorities must first identify concrete dangers and threats and attempt to address them through less restrictive measures, the court said.

A direct ban on the right to hold meetings and demonstrations should be considered only as a "last resort."

The court found that the Van Governor’s Office had resorted to a general ban without first assessing less restrictive and protective measures.

‘The longer a ban lasts, the greater the obligation to justify it’

The Constitutional Court also addressed the successive nature of the bans.

It said public authorities imposing continuing restrictions must provide increasingly detailed justification for each new measure.

Even if the reasoning for an initial ban could be considered sufficient, the severity of the interference with fundamental rights increases as the restriction continues, according to the court.

Authorities therefore cannot simply state that a threat persists but must more clearly demonstrate the existence of a "real and imminent threat."

The court also noted that lower courts had failed to examine Kaçan’s argument that the continuous bans in Van had made exercising the right to hold meetings and demonstrations practically impossible.

It said consecutive bans based on standardized reasoning could violate the right if they rendered its exercise meaningless or impossible.

Administrative court review 'inadequate'

The Constitutional Court also found the review conducted by the Van 2nd Administrative Court inadequate.

Although the lower court concluded that the ban complied with the requirements of a democratic society and was proportionate, it failed to sufficiently explain how it had reached that conclusion, the ruling said.

The administrative court did not examine why the cited risks amounted to a concrete danger or genuine threat, or why those risks could not be addressed through less restrictive measures.

The Constitutional Court also stressed that lengthy explanations in a ban decision do not, by themselves, amount to "relevant and sufficient reasoning."

It concluded that no clear and imminent danger to public order and security had been supported by concrete evidence and that the necessity of the interference in a democratic society had not been demonstrated.

Six judges dissent

The Constitutional Court’s General Assembly found a violation of the right to hold meetings and demonstrations by a majority vote.

Judges Recai Akyel, İrfan Fidan, Muhterem İnce, Yılmaz Akçil, Ömer Çınar and Metin Kıratlı dissented.

In their dissenting opinion, the judges argued that Kaçan had challenged only the ban covering May 29 to Jun 12, 2019, and had not exhausted legal remedies against the other restrictions.

They also said the Governor’s Office had provided sufficient justification concerning demonstrations linked to the organization and the risk of possible violence.

The Constitutional Court ordered that its ruling be sent to the Van 2nd Administrative Court for a retrial aimed at eliminating the consequences of the violation.

It also ordered the payment of 50,000 liras in non-pecuniary damages to Kaçan, along with a total of 40,487 liras in legal costs. (HA/VK)

The student who was critically injured was later announced dead.

İstanbul Governor Davut Gül, speaking to reporters after visiting the injured students at Başakşehir Çam and Sakura City Hospital, said five were in good condition and could be discharged today. Three others were more seriously injured, including one student who was undergoing surgery in critical condition.

The suspected attacker was a female high school student from the Küçükçekmece district, Gül said. Before the attack, she entered Şehit Şamil İmam Hatip Middle School in Başakşehir wearing the school’s uniform.

The governor said the student then attacked others inside the school with a knife at random.

Police detained the suspect following the attack. Security measures were increased at the school with police officers deployed.

Several school attacks have occurred since April in Turkey, where such attacks have been traditionally rare. Back-to-back attacks in Urfa and Maraş that month killed a total of nine people.

Ladt month, 11 students were wounded in a rifle attack in Manisa.

Earlier in September, police detained 27 people, including 19 minors, in an investigation into an incel group accused of planning school shootings.

Police detain 27 in incel group probe over alleged school shooting plans

11 September 2026

(VK)

Seçer, Yenişehir Mayor Abdullah Özyiğit and Mezitli Mayor Ahmet Serkan Tuncer were among 17 suspects remanded in custody after questioning by prosecutors.

The court ordered house arrest for seven other suspects and released one under judicial supervision. Proceedings involving another 35 people were continuing.

Opposition concerned over İstanbul takeover as council member resigns

18 September 2026

The Mersin Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office previously issued arrest warrants for 63 people, including the three mayors, as part of its investigation into the Mersin Metropolitan Municipality and the Yenişehir and Mezitli district municipalities.

Police carried out raids on Oct 1, searching municipal buildings and suspects’ addresses.

Four people named in the investigation had previously been arrested, while police detained 59 others during the operation. Another person was later taken into custody, bringing the number of suspects sent to the courthouse to 60.

Ankara mayor resigns from CHP, citing disruption of opposition unity

23 September 2026

Background

The investigation is part of a series of corruption operations targeting opposition-controlled municipalities since Mar 2025. More than 35 mayors have been arrested and suspended from office during the investigations, including mayors of major cities like İstanbul, Antalya, Adana and Bursa. Mersin has now become another metropolitan municipality affected by the operations.

All three Mersin mayors were elected on the ticket of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) in the Mar 2024 local elections.

Seçer won reelection as metropolitan mayor with 59.52 percent. Özyiğit was reelected in Yenişehir with 62.26 percent and Tuncer won the Mezitli mayoral race with 72,742 votes, or 63.30 percent. (EMK/VK)

According to news reports compiled by bianet from local and national newspapers, news websites, and news agencies, men killed at least 27 women in September. Men also killed at least four men who were with the women.

In September, men injured at least 52 women, abused 19 girls and boys, and harassed 28 women. Men forced 26 women into sex work.

Men killed 222 women in the first eight months of 2026.

In August, the deaths of at least 31 women and 14 children were classified as “suspicious” cases where it could not be definitively determined whether they were gender-based.

Femicide

Men killed 27 women in September. Last year, the number was 24 for the same month.

Men killed nine women because they wanted to break up or refused to reconcile. They also killed one woman with the intent to rob her. The motives behind the killings of 17 women were not reported in the media.

Twenty-one women were killed by their husbands, boyfriends, or former fiancés; two women were killed by men who were their sons or relatives. One woman was killed by her daughter’s ex-boyfriend, one by a neighbor, and one by a male thief. The identity of the man who killed one woman was not reported in the media.

Men killed 12 women inside their homes and 15 women outside their homes.

Men killed 16 women with firearms and six women with bladed weapons. Men also strangled two women, set one woman on fire, and set another woman on fire.

Child murder

In September, two children were killed by men. Last year, the number was nine during the same month.

Both children were killed by their fathers.

Harassment

In September, men harassed at least 28 women. Last year, the number was 10 for the same month.

Men harassed 27 women outside the home and one woman inside the home. The women were harassed by male pharmacists, male passengers, and male coworkers.

Child abuse

Men abused at least 19 girls and boys in September. Last year, the number was 18 for the same month.

One child was abused by his father, and one by his teacher. The identities of the men who abused 17 children were not reported in the press. Men abused one child inside the home and 18 children outside the home.

Sexual assault/rape

In September, men raped three women. Last year, during the same month, this number was one.

One woman was raped by her husband. The identities of the seven men who raped two women were not reported in the media.

Men raped one woman inside her home and two women outside their homes.

Violence/assault

Men injured at least 52 women in September. Last year, during the same month, this number was 71.

At least nine women were hospitalized with injuries.

Men injured at least 2 women because they “did not want to reconcile or wanted to break up.” The “pretext” for men injuring 50 women was not reported in the press.

Men injured 38 women inside the home and 14 women outside the home.

Men injured 41 women by beating them. Men injured five women with firearms and four women with sharp objects. Men threw one woman off a balcony and attempted to abduct another.

Forced sex work

In September, men forced at least 26 women into sex work. Last year, the number was eight for the same month. Children were also among those forced into sex work.

(EMK)

Okatan, who was transferred to Bakırköy Women’s Closed Prison, said in her message that she was in good health and good spirits:

“Unfortunately, in the 20th year of my career, I too have now seen the prisons that almost every journalist in Turkey passes through at least once... But I’m in good health and good spirits. I hope the mistake that led to my arrest will be resolved as soon as possible and that I will return to you. Thank you very much to everyone who has shown solidarity. My greetings and love to all my friends....”

Jailed over a drive seized in 2019

Okatan was arrested over an external hard drive that had been seized in 2019 as part of a separate investigation.

The İstanbul Provincial Gendarmerie Command said it found PowerPoint, Word, Excel and PDF files in a folder on the drive.

The İstanbul 1st Penal Judgeship of Peace ordered Okatan’s arrest after concluding that the files included “classified documents concerning Çorum and Tokat that should only be in the possession of security forces.”

During questioning by the judgeship, Okatan said the drive had previously been seized as part of another investigation. She said she used it to store her movie archive and had nothing to do with the documents:

“The hard drive, said to be a WD drive, contains data believed to have been produced by the state. Most of it is intelligence information. I saw these for the first time at the gendarmerie. I’ve had this external drive for quite a long time. I don’t know whether someone else put them on it or what happened, but there has clearly been a mistake.”

Okatan noted that a significant portion of the documents concerned Çorum and expressed her surprise:

“I’m a journalist. I worked as a journalist in İstanbul for many years, and since 2018 I have been reporting in Ankara. Even if I said I had obtained these as a journalist, these documents would be of no use to me whatsoever. I don’t even know anyone from Çorum, and I’ve never been there. I’m in complete shock. I don’t know how this happened, and I reject the accusation.”

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

‘The drive had already been in state custody’

Okatan also said she had been detained in 2019 over her journalistic activities and that her computers and hard drives were seized at the time.

She said she was not asked any questions about these documents then and argued that it should be investigated how the same digital material came to contain them years later.

“I was detained in Ankara because of my journalistic activities, and the same computer and external hard drive were seized. I don’t know whether these files were there at the time. I used that drive as a movie archive. To me, it was just something sitting in a drawer. Nothing came up then, and I was never asked about it.”

Okatan said she could not remember whether she had used the hard drive afterward, adding that her computer had broken down and she had bought a new one.

“There should be records of this at the courthouse. My computer was broken after I got it back, and I had the red laptop repaired, but I may never even have opened the external drive after getting it back. When were these files put on it? When were they uploaded? There is no information about that.”

‘I wish the gendarmerie had included this information in the case file’

Okatan also questioned why the case file did not contain technical data on the history of the digital material. She continued:

“I wish the gendarmerie had included this information in the file by now. I’m genuinely very surprised by all this. I have absolutely nothing to do with it. I wasn’t able to see the grounds stated in the referral letter.”

Ergin: Files date from 1990 to 2003

Okatan’s lawyer, Ziya Ergin, also rejected the accusations during the judgeship hearing. In his defense, Ergin highlighted two points in particular: that the drive had previously been in state custody and that the documents were old. He told the judgeship:

“There are two important points for us here. The first is when these files were placed on the hard drive. The second is that the data on it covers the period from 1990 to 2003.”

Ergin recalled that Okatan had been detained in 2019 and that her digital materials had been taken into the custody of security forces at the time. He continued:

“My client was detained in 2019, and all of her materials were seized. She did not use them afterward. When we look at the case file, the latest access or modification date is 2010.”

‘The hard drive may have been mixed up’

Ergin said it should be investigated how the documents ended up on the hard drive. He also raised the possibility that the digital material may have been mixed up with other material:

“The file shows the date on which it was modified. Whether it was under my client’s control or whether she obtained it from somewhere, are we to believe she never opened it or looked at it since 2010? On the other hand, for this offense to have occurred, the material must still currently be classified.

“What we want to know is how this data appeared on a hard drive alleged to belong to my client. There may have been a mix-up. Perhaps the hard drive itself was mixed up with another one. My client has a child she is responsible for, has a fixed residence, poses no flight risk and has no opportunity to tamper with evidence.”

Ergin also said the documents consisted of intelligence activities and records of surveillance conducted in Çorum between 1990 and 2004.

He said it should also be investigated whether documents dating back 20 to 35 years could still be considered classified on national security grounds today.

'How the documents got onto the drive must be investigated first'

DİSK Basın-İş also called for Okatan’s immediate release in a statement issued after her arrest.

The union noted that Okatan’s external drive had been seized in 2019 and that a forensic image had been made of it at the time. It called for authorities to determine when and how the documents at the center of the accusation were placed on the drive.

“We condemn the fact that journalist and DİSK Basın-İş Union disciplinary board member Derya Okatan was referred for arrest without even being questioned by the prosecutor and was subsequently arrested on Oct 2. This decision is not only an interference with a journalist’s freedom, but also a serious attack on the public’s right to information, press freedom and the profession of journalism.

“Derya Okatan, who has worked as a journalist for more than 20 years, has repeatedly faced investigations, been detained and had her digital materials seized because of her professional activities. She has now been arrested on the basis of documents said to date back many years. However, the external drive cited as grounds for the arrest was reportedly forensically imaged and examined in 2019 as part of another investigation. Okatan says she did not use the drive after that date, while the files at the center of the accusation reportedly show 2010 as their last modification and access date. Derya Okatan also says she saw the documents for the first time while giving her statement.

“In such a situation, the proper course of action is not to arrest a journalist, but first to determine when, how and by whom these documents were transferred to the external drive. It is unacceptable to order detention before comparing the forensic image taken in 2019 with the current external drive, investigating whether the documents were added later, and establishing any technical evidence showing that Derya Okatan knowingly obtained, opened or used these files. Digital material whose integrity remains in doubt cannot be used as grounds to deprive a journalist of her liberty.

“The prosecutor’s request for her arrest without first taking the journalist’s statement, and the court’s acceptance of that request without adequately considering the fundamental questions raised by the defense or the proportionality of pretrial detention, raise serious concerns about legal safeguards. Pretrial detention cannot be turned into a form of punishment or a tool for silencing journalists.

“We call for Derya Okatan’s immediate release, for the accusations against her to be assessed in line with universal principles of law and press freedom, and for an independent expert examination to establish when and how the documents in question were transferred to the external drive by comparing it with the forensic image taken in 2019.”

(HA/VK)

Consumer prices increased 24.32% in the first nine months of 2026. Inflation based on the 12-month average stood at 31.49%, a rate that also determines the ceiling for rent increases.

Highest montly increaese in education

Education recorded the sharpest monthly increase among major spending categories, with prices rising 14.19%. Clothing and footwear followed at 3.98%, insurance and financial services at 3.40%, transportation at 2.79% and housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels at 2.71%.

Food and non-alcoholic beverages were the only major category to record a monthly decline, with prices falling 0.20%.

Within education, higher education prices rose 25.79% in one month. Accommodation services at boarding schools, universities and other educational institutions increased 19.99%, while school transportation costs rose 16.04%.

Prices increased 7.88% in secondary education, 7.43% in primary education and 5.73% in preschool education.

Sharp increase in fuel prices

Fuel prices also rose sharply in September. Diesel increased 12.93% from the previous month and gasoline rose 11.55%. On an annual basis, diesel prices were up 67.23% and gasoline prices 47.86%.

TurkStat also reported monthly increases of 23.31% for fresh dates, figs and tropical fruits, 12.23% for margarine and 10.30% for audiovisual content subscriptions and online streaming services.

Education also recorded the highest annual inflation among major spending categories at 48.62%. It was followed by health at 43.26%, housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels at 39.99%, and transportation at 35.10%.

Annual food inflation over 29.50%

Annual inflation was 27.62% for food and non-alcoholic beverages, 29.53% for restaurants and accommodation services and 31.60% for alcoholic beverages and tobacco. Clothing and footwear recorded the lowest annual increase at 13.22%.

Food and non-alcoholic beverages made the largest contribution to annual inflation, adding 6.73 percentage points. Transportation contributed about 5.96 points, housing and utilities 4.84 points, and restaurants and accommodation services 3.21 points.

Some food items posted sharp monthly declines. Fresh citrus fruit prices fell 24.41%, while a category including onions, garlic, carrots, mushrooms and olives dropped 17.62%. Other fresh fruit fell 13.12%, tuber vegetables 11.78% and fresh fish 8.89%.

Turkey ranks fourth globally in food inflation

15 May 2026

Alternative measurements

Other inflation gauges showed different results. Data released by the İstanbul Chamber of Commerce (İTO) on Oct 2 showed retail prices in the city rising 2.11% monthly and wholesale prices 1.96%. Compared with a year earlier, retail prices increased 33.55% and wholesale prices 25.90%.

The Inflation Research Group (ENAG), formed by academics and researchers, measured monthly consumer inflation at 2.10% and annual inflation at 46.61%.

Web TÜFE, an open-source research project that aims to measure Turkey’s consumer inflation using an independent and transparent methodology, recorded a 2.29% monthly increase in September. Its annual rate declined to 31.95%. (HA/VK)

During the workshop, participants explored a range of topics, from gender perspectives and feminist media to gender-focused journalism, the use of visuals without reproducing violence and court monitoring. At the end of the day, the principles discussed throughout the program were put into practice through news production.

Haydari: ‘We reproduce all these hierarchies and inequalities’

In the workshop’s first session, Prof. Dr. Nazan Haydari met with participants for a discussion titled "Looking Through a Gender Perspective and Feminist Media." Haydari addressed the concepts of sex and gender, sexual essentialism, biological determinism, heteronormativity and patriarchy.

Haydari also discussed Judith Butler’s concept of performativity, explaining that gender is shaped within social and historical relations. She examined heteronormativity and patriarchy through relations of power, hierarchy and inequality:

We see that these systems of oppression reproduce all these hierarchies and inequalities at the individual, interpersonal, institutional and sociocultural levels. At the interpersonal level, this includes language, actions and the ways we communicate. At the institutional level, it includes laws, the economy, medicine, religion, hiring practices and, of course, the media and news production.

Participants also discussed how a gender-focused perspective applies to everyday life. They examined examples involving clothing, automobile safety systems, public spaces and kitchens, discussing the inequalities created when the male body and male experience are treated as the default.

Haydari also addressed feminist historiography during the session. She highlighted the concept of the "current," which Aksu Bora uses to describe the feminist struggle:

A wave rises and disappears, but the current is always there. Sometimes it is visible, sometimes it comes to the surface, sometimes it moves below, and sometimes it grows through large-scale collective actions. But it is always continuous.

The discussion on feminist media focused on patriarchal media practices, solidarity, pluralism and intersectionality. Haydari also gave examples from Kurdish women’s media, explaining how the journalistic practices developed by JİNHA challenged established approaches to journalism.

Kepenek: ‘We need to show where the system fails and breaks down’

In the workshop’s second session, bianet Women’s News Editor Evrim Kepenek met with participants for a discussion titled "Gender-Focused Journalism." Kepenek examined news language, source selection and forms of representation from a gender perspective.

Kepenek focused on the concepts of impartiality and fairness in journalism. She said the media can reproduce and normalize sexism. Emphasizing the need to give more space to women experts in news coverage, Kepenek noted that women are rendered invisible in many fields.

The language used in reporting on violence was also discussed through various news examples. Citing the Şule Çet case, Kepenek said journalists should avoid reproducing sexist expressions in their reporting. She stressed that journalists should not simply repeat everything they hear:

What is the journalist’s responsibility here? To filter what they hear. For example, a woman’s private life is not up for discussion. That is not open to debate.

Kepenek also explained that gender-focused journalism is not limited to reporting on male violence. She gave examples from areas including women’s right to health, access to menstrual products and the selection of experts for news stories. She said a gender perspective should come into play from the moment a journalist chooses what to report on.

She said reporting on violence should examine the broader context and the failures within the system:

In gender-focused journalism, we need to show where the system fails and breaks down. Because these are not isolated incidents. They are the result of something systemic, the result of the system.

Rethinking context in visual storytelling

The workshop continued with Özden Demir’s session, "Using Visuals Without Reproducing Violence." Demir addressed the use of photographs and videos in reporting on violence from the perspective of ethical representation. Drawing on her own work and various news examples, she discussed with participants the challenges involved in choosing visuals.

Demir emphasized that there is no single correct formula for using visuals in reports on violence. She said the same image can take on different meanings depending on the context in which it is used:

The same image can serve as evidence in one story and as exposure in another. Every ethical decision ultimately requires contextual judgment.

The session also addressed anonymizing people subjected to violence. Demir noted that methods such as blurring a person’s face or photographing them from behind may not always be sufficient. She said journalists should consider not only whether a person’s identity is protected but also how that person is represented.

Demir suggested asking what purpose an image serves when selecting visuals. Noting that an image can provide information, evidence or testimony, she highlighted the question: "What does this image contribute to public knowledge?"

Demir said different forms of visual storytelling can be used when reporting on violence. Locations, objects, perpetrators and structural conditions can also be depicted, she said, allowing journalists to convey different forms of testimony without exposing the body of the person subjected to violence.

Court monitoring and news production

Evrim Kepenek led the final two sessions of the day. In the "Court Monitoring" session, Kepenek explained how journalists can follow court proceedings from a gender perspective. She gave examples from the Şule Çet and Ayşe Tokyaz cases.

Kepenek discussed the importance of obtaining hearing records, indictments and other official documents when following court cases. She emphasized the need to protect personal data contained in these documents.

Kepenek said journalists should also observe the courtroom, noting that the conduct of the judge, court clerk and bailiff can become part of the story. She explained that factors such as the defendant’s profession, position and institutional affiliations are also important for understanding the context of a case.

In the day’s final session, the "Gender-Focused Journalism Workshop," Kepenek put the principles discussed throughout the day into practice through news production. She focused on rights-based terminology, relationships with sources and approaching news topics from different perspectives.

Kepenek particularly stressed the importance of building trust when interviewing survivors of violence and said journalists should respect and protect the rights of their sources.

The workshop concluded following questions and comments from participants. (EG/VK)

Crawford’s account, @AlexCrawfordSky, was among those blocked under a Sep 13 decision by the Bakırköy 4th Criminal Judgeship of Peace. X withheld the account in Turkey on Oct 5, according to the Freedom of Expression Association (İFÖD).

The widespread restrictions began on Sep 12 with access bans on dozens of accounts belonging to LGBTI+ rights organizations and activists. Those accounts were also blocked on obscenity grounds.

Dozens of rights advocates are also under arrest on the same allegation.

How Turkey’s vague obscenity law is becoming a tool to criminalize LGBTI+ visibility

18 September 2026

The censorship campaign later expanded to journalists and economists. Numerous accounts that posted about an investment fund crisis late last month were also withheld in Turkey.

İFÖD has itself been affected by the restrictions. The website and X account of its censorship monitoring project, EngelliWeb, were previously blocked. Now the association's account is also blocked.

Deutsche Welle Türkçe Journalist Alican Uludağ was among those targeted. After his previous account was blocked and withheld in Turkey, a new account he opened under the same username was also blocked and withheld by X.

At least 31 X accounts have also been blocked on grounds of protecting national security and public order. They include accounts belonging to journalist and writer Akın Olgun, former Boğaziçi University faculty member Prof. Tuna Tuğcu and Ayhan Dadaloğlu, who posts about the stock market and economy. (VK)

KonohaFest, held on Oct 3-4, drew participants including children and families. Organizers ended the festival early after the incident.

Police removed the group from the area after intervening in the attack.

'Family and population decade'

The festival had been targeted on social media before the event. Posters carrying the name “Ümraniye NGO Platform” called on families to join a gathering demanding that the event be stopped.

“We will not remain silent! We invite all families to our press statement to stop this activity, which sets a bad example for the future of our children and our values,” the posters said.

The group gathered near the festival area to read out a statement, which referred to the “Family and Population Decade” initiative announced by the government.

It also expressed support for the “My Family Is Safe” operations conducted in 15 provinces in September, targeting LGBTI+ groups.

The group claimed the festival’s costumed performances and the lifestyle it represented were “contrary to society’s family structure and national and spiritual values.”

The statement further claimed that the festival distanced children and young people from their own culture and led them into “identity confusion.” It called on local governments and public institutions to stop the event and prevent it from being held again.

Banners carried by the group included slogans reading, “If You’re Looking for a Role Model, Look to Your History,” “Our Hero Is Sultan Mehmed the Conqueror,” “No to Exhibitionism, Yes to Decency” and “We Will Not Surrender Our Youth to Imitation.”

After concluding their statement, the crowd moved toward the festival area, chanting “Allahu akbar.”

Police intervened and removed them after they damaged the equipment in the area.

KonohaFest brought together anime, manga and Japanese culture enthusiasts in Turkey. Its name comes from Konoha, or Hidden Leaf Village, in the anime series Naruto.

The festival included costume competitions featuring anime, manga and video game characters, as well as sushi-eating contests, Japanese food stands, anime-themed merchandise, concerts and quizzes. (EMK/VK)

In short, Europe has recently begun to discuss and question traditional nationalist historiography, which focuses on the formation processes of nation-states and national identities. This questioning entails re-examining history through a more critical, transnational, and multidimensional perspective, stripped of single-center narratives or national myths. Briefly, by adopting a critical historical approach today, traditional historiography is being challenged, and it is proposed that history be revisited, subjected to self-criticism, and rewritten.

The questioning of nationalist historiography in Europe represents one of the most profound intellectual and political transformations that began in the aftermath of World War II and continues to this day. National narratives centered on "heroism, victimhood, and superiority," constructed in the 19th century to legitimize nation-states and create homogeneous identities, have given way to more critical, pluralistic, and transnational approaches. Furthermore, critiques in this context argue that official historiography, which constructs a homogeneous and unbroken past based on the assumption that nations are "primordial and eternal," is far from realistic. In this regard, the intellectual foundations of nationalist ideologies are being questioned by drawing attention to political scientists Benedict Anderson and Eric Hobsbawm, who conceptualize nations as "imagined communities." 

It is observed that nationalist official historical narratives in Europe have come under intense scrutiny, particularly following the Second World War and alongside the process of European integration. This academic and political questioning criticizes not only the weak intellectual bases of national discourses but also the instrumentalization of history for political conflicts. Furthermore, it is noted that this approach hinders efforts toward supranational integration, an initiative intended as a project for regional peace in Europe. 

The questioning of the nationalist historiographical perspective has shattered the myth of the nation-state as a monolithic entity and led to a reinterpretation and reshaping of the concepts of state and nation within modern European society through a broader lens. European states have long maintained multicultural structures, inherited from the past, in which diverse groups of people live together. Today, modern historiography and political science are critically analyzing these national discourses. 

Key reasons for questioning official history

Examining the questioning of official history in Europe calls for a broader approach to consider the issue from the perspective of human rights, democratic culture, and civil society. In short, "Official History" is on the agenda in Europe as part of a broader re-examination of its past and present.

1. The impact of World War II and the Holocaust

The suffering caused by World War II, grave human rights violations, and the collective trauma and sense of guilt resulting from the Holocaust across Europe are viewed as the primary motivations behind growing calls for re-examination. The fact that World War II and the Holocaust demonstrated the destructive consequences of nationalism has prompted the questioning of nationalist "Official History." Germany, in particular, initiated a process of confronting its past and criticizing the dark periods of its national history—an issue that now occupies the agendas of all societal groups, including the education system. These processes of confronting the past and questioning official history, which began in Germany, served as a model and an inspiration for other European countries.

2. Colonial era grave human rights violations

The recent questioning of human rights and official historical narratives noted above has compelled former colonial powers such as France, the UK, Belgium, and the Netherlands to confront the realities of exploitation, slavery, and massacres that contributed to their wealth and global position. In recent years, African nations have begun raising the issue of colonialism not only in bilateral relations but also on international platforms; these initiatives place European leaders who seek to avoid such accountability in a difficult position, compelling them to reckon with their pasts.

3. European Integration

Processes of European integration and the establishment of the Council of Europe and the European Union are forcing a shift away from historical perspectives that cast nation-states as mutual "enemies." The process of forging a common European culture, cultivating shared European values rooted in democracy and multiculturalism, and striving for a transnational European identity necessitates a revision of official historical narratives.

In other words, European integration mandates a move away from narrow, nation-state-centric histories toward an appreciation of a multicultural European structure characterized by coexistence and peace. Within this context, policies implemented by dominant cultural groups regarding minorities—as well as assimilation, exclusion, and ethnic nationalism-driven conflicts escalating to violence—are being critically examined.

4. Official narratives not fitting with a multicultural Europe

The multicultural structure of today's Europe highlights its incompatibility with official historical theses. This means the official historical narrative, developed around unitary and monolithic state structures, is incompatible with the contemporary structure of Europe and is criticized for this reason.

Historically, European nations built their cultures and identities upon the idea of a shared origin and ancient history. However, research by reformist historians demonstrates that these concepts were, in fact, modern, socially constructed political notions that served as intellectual foundations to justify nationalist, unitary states. 

Primarily, dominant state narratives of cultural groups holding power within the system insistently emphasize past victories and the superior qualities of their group while ignoring past failures. Critical historians questioning these narratives (for instance, by exposing colonial atrocities, collaboration with wartime regimes, or the oppression of minorities) trigger reactions from nationalist groups who perceive such self-criticism as a threat to their identity.

Today, questioning official history is also necessitated by the fact that Europe is multicultural and the political role of regions is rising. In short, the growing prominence of existing regions and autonomous public structures in Europe demonstrates that traditional narratives of the unitary or monolithic state are incompatible with the changed structure of Europe.

Briefly, it can be concluded that traditional nationalist historiography that excludes minorities, colonial pasts, migration, and periods of violence in the process of constructing national identities is no longer acceptable. The national narratives held by dominant cultural groups regarding "others" or minorities are no longer welcomed as legitimate and democratically acceptable political commentary in a multicultural Europe. (NT/VK)

Over two years have passed since Eygi’s death, still with no accountability. 

bianet spoke to her husband Hamid Ali about his memories of Ayşenur, how the family is coping, who she was as a person and updates from the “For Ayşenur” campaign advocating for an independent investigation on her killing.  

People across the world have found themselves inspired by Ayşenur’s bravery and her story. Could you tell us about what compelled her to come to Palestine and volunteer with the International Solidarity Movement (ISM)? What did she say to you about her motivations?

I think at a very basic level, what compelled her was her sense of justice, and right and wrong. I can talk more politically and more about the complexities and nuances of that. But at a very, very basic level, I think she had a very clear sense of right and wrong, and a very clear sense of doing something about witnessing some wrongdoing or some injustice and trying to actively do something to correct that. It was just the evolution of that in her life. She had been on the ground in other movements before. And this was just the next step in her actions that she had been taking for justice in Palestine. You know, she had been active on campus and in America. So, I think the next thing that she felt that she could do was to go on the ground in the West Bank and act as an international observer, answer the call of Palestinians on the ground there through ISM, and that's what she did.

You mentioned her political evolution. Could you describe that evolution? 

She continued to grow after we met obviously, but she was already fully grown and mature politically in her thinking and her education when I met her. So I didn't get to witness the full evolution of how that developed within her. But even from, let's say, October 2023, I could see the wheels turning, and the first thing that she felt after seeing the images coming out of Gaza after October 7 was almost an anxiety of not doing anything. This urgency to to take action, so she was like, “What can I do? What can I do?” And then she quickly organized this fundraiser, and it was a beautiful fundraiser. It brought the community out. There was art. Artists were donating art to be sold. It was exactly what she was all about —  coming together as a community locally to do something that could help others worldwide. 

Then even after that that urgency kind of settled, as we understood what was about to happen in Gaza and seeing the response of the Israeli state and the escalations — I could see this anxiety and urgency settling into a place that was like, “okay, what's the long term sustainable way to take action here and organize?” 

I could see that development even over that year. That turned into activism on campus. You know, there were protests, there were encampments across the U.S. at different college campuses. The school that she went to, University of Washington, was no exception to that. So she was involved in that, and then it evolved into “okay, I have the time, the resources and the privilege to travel to the West Bank and be an active participant in some solidarity work on the ground.” And that was kind of the evolution that I saw.

'A hard conversation'

Do you remember that conversation where she told you she wanted to volunteer in Palestine. There’s a lot of risks surrounding that. How did that go?

Yeah, I mean, there were other people in the community who had done this who had come back and had gone multiple times actually, so it wasn't this totally novel idea. I mean, it was a conversation that was hard. The possibility of death did come up. It wasn't like she was naive about that. She went in with eyes wide open, and we talked about that as well. She understood that risk and accepted it. It was hard for me because I am obviously married to her, and even thinking about that possibility was difficult. But accepting that she was okay with it was even more difficult, but then also understanding that preventing her from doing this would be to reject who she was as a person. I wasn't, you know, willing to do that either, because then she wouldn't be the person who I fell in love with. So it was very complicated, but ultimately, I don't think I would have, even looking back, it's hard to say — but I don't think I would have made a different decision, because ultimately it wasn't her fault. The blame lies entirely with the Israeli military.

You mentioned who she was as a person. Many people in Turkey and around the world feel a deep connection with Ayşenur, but we don't truly know who she is as a person. As Ayşenur’s husband, could you tell us about who she was in everyday life? 

I think that's an important question, because, like you said earlier, she's become this symbol and figure that's not a real person. So I always like answering this question, but it's also very difficult because there's so many things I could say. I guess I want to remind people that she was not like this exceptional hero. She had flaws. She procrastinated a lot. She was not a morning person. You know, she would get out of bed really late. Her school assignments would always be last minute submissions. She was really silly and goofy a lot of the time. 

But these were all things I admired, because the reason that she was silly and goofy was because she had this really strong connection to her inner child and this authenticity that I think is lost after childhood that she really intentionally maintained, but she was still mature and a well-grounded person.

I think that's why she had that ability to tap into that authentic silly part of herself, and not take things too seriously or take herself too seriously. And the procrastination stuff: The reason she wasn't a morning person is because she was engaged in community through the long hours of the night, either through more practical things like planning and organizing protests, actions and stuff like that, or just building community by spending time with people and really talking, getting to the deep core of people — those kinds of conversations, not just surface level. That's why she was able to really connect with a lot of people very easily. I think that's good. 

I mean she loved music. I think something we connected on a lot was that I never met someone with a music taste that was similar to mine, first of all, but also so representative of everything about her. It was very worldly. On any playlist of hers there were songs from like eight different languages, but at the same time, she'd listen to all the top 40 pop songs too. She was just a very nuanced person, is what I would say, politically, especially. She was critical of people, but at the same time, could recognize maybe the benefits or the good things that they did do, you know, political figures. She understood that there's no like black or white answer to anything. That’s something I also admired about her.

Is that what made you fall in love with her? 

Honestly, yeah. The point where I really started thinking about her seriously as a long-term partner was this moment where we were discussing, I don't remember exactly, but something to do with religion and politics or something like that. I was bracing for this point where in the past when I've brought this up with people, it's a polarizing thing, but she was very open to it. She was like, "Well, yeah, thinking about this, like that's interesting. I want to read more about it.” And the next time we talked about it, she had read up on it and that was really something that I admired and was drawn towards.

WOMEN'S AGENDA

'A heartbreaking loss for all of us': Friend reflects on killing of Turkish-American activist in Palestine

10 September 2024

Memories

If you would feel comfortable, are there any personal memories that reflect those qualities you mentioned earlier that you would like to share?

Even despite being married to her for years at that point with what I was describing after October 7th, seeing how affected she was by the images coming out of Gaza — I know people were affected all over the world, and people were really distraught — but she really couldn't operate. I found journal entries later across so many places, written down on her phone, on her laptop, just reflecting on what she was witnessing and feeling complicit just by the fact of being a citizen of the United States. I think that is something that really stayed with me. 

Almost to a degree, it was unrelatable, because at that point I had been so jaded. I was disappointed, and it was affecting me, but [not] to the point of debilitation, like it was for her. She couldn't operate. She couldn't do her schoolwork, she would start crying. But turning that into a successful action that achieved so many things, simultaneously brought the community together at this point when no one knew what to do about it, and at the same time, making something beautiful where art was being created and shared, and everything was being donated. It was awe-inspiring, really, to see one how affected she was by it, but still able to turn that energy into this momentum that she carried forward.

Is there anything that reminds you of her on a day-to-day basis?

Oh man, everything. I mean, there's literally everything. I think music has really been something that helps me tap into the memory, the very poignant memory of her. So there's a song by Barış Manço, Hal Hal. That was the song that really reminds me of her day to day. But I mean everything does, literally everything — coffee, food, the wind hitting the leaves in a certain way, like you know, everything. Everything does. But that song really takes me back to when we first met.

The legal battle

There’s four demands from the “For Ayşenur” campaign, including (1) a full US-led investigation, (2) criminal charges for those responsible for her death, (3) congressional hearings on the pattern of Americans killed by Israel abroad, and (4) formal diplomatic consequences. What has the campaign been doing to push for these. Has there been any significant results on that front? What has the reception been among elected officials?

So I'll go with the shortest answer first. There hasn't been anything concrete. Those demands are still unmet. Under this current administration in the US, there has been no progress on that front. 

What we've been doing has been this combination of meetings at the federal level with representatives and Congress — senators and representatives, both from Washington State where Ayşenur was a constituent of, but also other supporters. We went to Washington DC two times now. The first time was in December 2024. We met with the former Secretary of State Antony Blinken and sat down with him to ask him about some of these demands. Essentially, he shrugged his shoulders and in so many words, said we can't really do anything — this is up to Israel, and they have to do their investigations, etc. etc. But, yeah, he was basically underplaying the influence that the US has with the country. And then we met with representatives to try and ask them to use any influence that they had to urge the Department of Justice and the FBI to conduct an investigation into Ayşenur’s killing, as they have in the past with Americans being killed abroad. Thankfully, the people that we did meet with, the representatives and senators, they did, I think, use some of their influence to try and pressure the federal government to follow through with these things. There were multiple letters, even to this day, that were issued like “dear colleague letters,” resolutions and whatnot, that mention Ayşenur. But ultimately, none of those really resulted in any action, and that was in 2024 under the Biden administration. And there’s even less of a response under the Trump administration now.

And then on the other side of that, we've been working at the state level here where I live in Washington State, which is Ayşenur’s state where she grew up. There's more resolutions that we've been trying to pass through the state Congress, and these resolutions essentially just call for the same things — accountability for her death and investigation into her killing. I think there's been more progress on that front. We'll probably be able to pass a resolution like that this year, this session. But again, ultimately, it is up to the federal government. All the state would be able to do is request the federal government to do something about it. But the folks that are supportive are enthusiastically supportive. I always feel like there's more to do. I'm grateful for the representatives that have been able to take a very clear moral stand on this. 

To me and to many people, it should be a very simple and easy thing to be like, “Someone was killed, we should investigate.”That's step one that we've been asking for. I have to remind myself that this should be automatic. We shouldn't have to ask for this for two years before and still have nothing happen. People are supporting, it's great, but we shouldn't have to ask. It should be a thing that everyone already agrees with. It shouldn't be controversial.

But yeah, that’s kind of where things are at now. 

Over 100 US lawmakers call for independent probe into killing of Turkish-American activist

25 September 2024

How can the public support your campaign? 

I think there are multiple ways, like uplifting this demand, highlighting the fact that an investigation has not been conducted yet in this very clear, unprovoked killing of an American citizen. Americans, at least, can absolutely bring this up as the midterm elections are coming around — asking their representatives about why nothing is being done, and what are they going to do about this. Because essentially, it could be anyone, anyone killed by Israel — if it happens to you or your loved one, then you might not be protected by your government in this way. So that's something I think Americans specifically can do. 

The other thing related to the campaign in a different way, is centering the experience and reminding ourselves why Ayşenur was there in the first place. Ayşenur was a victim here. We are victims, but she went to protect this decades long occupation of the West Bank specifically, and to remind ourselves of that should be our focus.

The situation in the West Bank is worsening, and the only reason Ayşenur is getting all this coverage is because she's American. There are thousands of other stories like Aysenur’s and every day more people are being killed for no reason with impunity by Israel or with the support of Israel through the settlers. We should keep our attention focused on that especially. The reason we are pushing so hard for this investigation for Ayşenur is one for accountability for us and for justice for us as her loved ones, but also because we know that it will help break this impunity that Israel enjoys, especially by the US. And that remains the focus. I think, and I just want to remind people of that. The campaign, ultimately, that is our goal. Anything that can be done to support people in the West Bank and those living under the occupation will ultimately support what Ayşenur believed in, and that will support us too.

Impunity

You mentioned impunity. Since 2003, Israeli soldiers and settlers have killed at least 14 Americans abroad. None of them have faced criminal prosecution. Why do you think this is the case?

I think it's very simple, and it's a very clear pattern at this point that we've seen over the last few decades. That there's a double standard when it comes to Israel in the United States — that whenever something is done by them, even if it's the killing of our own citizens, then they are given a free pass and not even given a slap on the wrist, really. That's a simple answer, it's because of who it was done by, because of who killed those citizens. It was Israel. So they're given this free pass.

How have Ayşenur’s loved ones been coping with her death?

Different ways. I won't speak for the rest of our family, but all of us have really been grateful for the support of everyone that we knew in our communities, but also the people abroad that we've never met, that never met Ayşenur, and this outpouring of support for her and connection to her. That has been a really important way that has personally helped me cope, and I know her family as well. 

Doing something about it has helped a lot. Being able to meet with representatives and call people out and expose this glaring double standard, even if it doesn't result in any immediate action, has been helpful. Just to feel like we're able to do something about it. 

And then lastly, connecting with other issues that are tackling the same systemic symptoms that produce these kinds of results, where innocent people are killed by state violence, and that can mean police violence here in the United States, campaigns to find justice for those victims, but also across the world. So in the Philippines, for example, there's a big Filipino community here in Seattle that is working towards that. Being able to connect with these other campaigns that are doing some things that are different, but ultimately the same systemic issue has been really a beautiful way that I've connected and ultimately helped me cope with her loss as well.

Is there anything that you or her loved ones have been doing in particular to keep her memory and legacy alive?

I think just what I mentioned at the end. I feel like Ayşenur was deeply committed to international solidarity and the recognition of the same struggles shared by peoples across the world, oppressed peoples across the world. Recently being able to uplift those campaigns and even be active in those campaigns has been something that's helped me feel more connected to her. That felt really right and it reminds me of what she stood for. So I felt like that is something that I've felt called towards as well.

If there would be one thing only, what's one thing you would want the world to remember about Ayşenur?

I think of her answering that question, and I think she would want to remind everyone to keep the focus on the West Bank, keep the focus on the people under occupation, and understand that her killing is a common occurrence in these places — so that the attention on her should also translate into attention on them. (İK/VK)

But the highly lucrative, flexible remote gig is not the boon many see it as, with chaotic management, punishing time constraints and algorithmic surveillance pushing some workers to their limits. 

The AI gatekeeper

This invisible workforce is training the engines behind consumer tools like ChatGPT and Gemini, as well as the enterprise AI running modern finance, healthcare, and software development. It includes corporate professionals navigating layoffs, underemployed writers and creatives, full-time workers stacking off-hours side gigs, and recent advanced-degree graduates facing a brutal job market.

It’s a diverse crowd, but everyone enters through the same gate: a video assessment run by an AI avatar that not only analyzes answers for technical depth, but decodes speech patterns. Beyond noting “ums”, “likes” and words-per-minute, avatars with names like Zara, Maya and Alex are designed to measure how logical a candidate’s thinking is just through cadence, enunciation and pacing alone. 

Reddit, the online discussion site, has multiple posts of hopeful applicants looking for advice on how to bypass what has become a mythologized entry gate. This poster describes him/herself as an engineer highly skilled in coding, mathematics and physics who speaks English, French and Arabic. 

The replies come from PhD holders and experienced AI workers who still haven’t been able to land a contract, claiming there seems to be no rhyme or reason as to why some get hired and others don’t. Mercor publicly claims an acceptance rate of just 1% to 2% across its global talent pool—putting its selectivity on par with the Ivy League. 

Getting the acceptance email for a lucrative AI gig can feel like hitting the jackpot. But after onboarding, many workers report being quickly absorbed into an opaque, automated system that treats human expertise as a disposable commodity.

A Keyboard Hunger Games

AI training and evaluation work consists of “tasks”—self-contained units of labor where contractors evaluate, correct, or generate data to train a model. Depending on the client and the platform, the complexity, time parameters, and consistency of work can fluctuate wildly.

Victoria, who asked that her real name be withheld due to confidentiality clauses in her contract, is a freelance communications expert who turned to platform work after her main client faced severe budget cuts. After a successful automated interview, she was hired by a digital talent broker to work on a contract for a leading AI lab. Although she describes the onboarding as steep, isolating, and lacking human guidance, she eventually got the hang of the platform, navigating its friction points and settling into a rhythm.

“There was a certain thrill in watching my wages accumulate in real time on my earnings dashboard,” Victoria recalls. “But things turned quickly.”

Not long after she began, the client dramatically slashed the time allotted for each task, and pay was withheld for assignments that ran over the clock. At the same time, the project’s workforce tripled in size. Victoria saw the move as a play to optimize performance metrics: over-saturating the platform ensured no task ever sat idle while forcing workers to compete for scraps.

“It got to the point where I was just sitting in front of my screen, constantly refreshing, hoping an unclaimed task would show up,” she recalls. “With so many new people on the project, tasks were snapped up in seconds. I went from billing twenty hours a week to just three hours total over my final two weeks.”

Victoria soon realized the gig was unsustainable, and that her time would be better spent searching for reliable consulting work or a stable staff job.

“The uncertainty of work availability was awful, and the hours spent in front of the computer waiting for tasks were unbillable. The team leaders seemed to have no idea if the project would even continue day to day.”

Deniz, who also spoke on the condition of anonymity, worked as a consultant for Yandex—the Russian search giant and early AI labor middleman.

Yandex pays their domain experts much lower rates than the likes of Mercor or Outlier, but are known to provide more stability and strong leadership by human team leaders. And yet, he recently found himself out of work when a project he was working on for two years ended without advance notice.

“I worked on a team of 30 people, and we all received an email out of the blue that the project was over,” Deniz says, still reeling from the abrupt end to what he thought was steady employment. “We built a lot of trust with our team leaders over this period, but it clearly didn’t mean anything. This model of work seems to be designed to bypass every protection offered by regular salary jobs and traditional unions.”

While Deniz had a relatively positive experience with Yandex up until his unceremonious offboarding, Victoria’s day-to-day reality felt more like a pressure cooker.

All project communication ran through the messaging platform Slack. According to Victoria, the channel devolved into chaos on a daily basis. Team leads rarely responded to pleas for clarification regarding bugged tasks or shifting guidelines. Some even posted “No DMs!” or “Don’t tag me!” on their profile statuses.

The lack of communication and constantly shifting rubrics created a collective anxiety across Slack that was palpable. Highly credentialed professionals—managing mortgages, debt, and family obligations—openly worried whether a single poorly rated task or a missed midnight update would trigger instant offboarding. 

The relentless strain eventually took its toll. Victoria ended up leaving the project after a little over two months. “Although I had lost that income stream,” she says, “I was relieved. The whole experience felt very Orwellian.”

Q&A WITH ALEX HANNA FROM DAIR

‘We need not AI but technology that works for people’

2 April 2025

Cracks in the AI labor pipeline

Monitoring Slack channels for disgruntled contractors was only the tip of the iceberg when it came to platform surveillance by digital labor brokers. In April 2026, Mercor was hit with multiple federal class-action lawsuits following a major third-party security breach that exposed recorded job interviews, facial biometrics, and invasive screenshots of workers’ computers. 

This is far from an isolated case. Also in April, Scale AI (which operates Outlier and Remotasks) agreed to a $12.5 million settlement over contractor misclassification, unpaid queue time, invasive screen monitoring, and psychological harm stemming from forcing workers to evaluate disturbing, unmoderated content. Meanwhile, Surge AI (home of DataAnnotation) faces class-action claims alleging wage theft and illegal worker misclassification. What these platforms pitch as flexible gig work, litigators and labor rights activists increasingly describe as an unregulated, hyper-surveilled sweatshop model—one that trades worker well-being for performance metrics while shifting all financial and psychological risk onto the individual.

Yet, despite the legal battleground, the financial trajectory of these AI talent brokers is surging. Mercor, one of the industry leaders, generated roughly $2 billion in annualized gross revenue by June 2026—a steep jump from $760 million just four months prior—and entered talks to raise $500 million at a staggering $20 billion valuation. It is the kind of hyper-growth that has Silicon Valley and Wall Street betting heavily that algorithmic labor brokering isn't just a temporary trend, but the default future of work.

In the shadow of the intelligent machine: the construction of the obedient mind

6 June 2026

The hidden human tax

A European research project called Ghost Work, led by scholars at Utrecht University and funded by the European Union and the European Research Council, is examining how platform-mediated AI evaluation work impacts mental health. In recent studies—such as "The Volatility of Microwork" and "Lost in the crowd?"—researchers show how the extreme unpredictability of task availability and poor platform conditions directly drives psychological distress, anxiety, and burnout. Although their research focuses primarily on low-paid, low-cognitive crowdwork, the core dynamics are identical for higher-skilled expert platforms, and their findings confirm what gig workers across the AI spectrum report experiencing daily: a volatile environment where sudden drops in work and invisible platform dynamics actively undermine worker well-being.

This psychological toll is further intensified by the mechanics of algorithmic management. According to research by the American Psychological Association, electronic monitoring and automated tracking erode worker autonomy, making employees nearly twice as likely to report that their job negatively impacts their mental health. Forced to navigate both erratic task flows and relentless digital oversight, workers remain trapped in a high-stress environment that drives elevated cortisol and persistent anxiety.

And yet, while some suffer under the burden of such precarious, high-anxiety work and abandon the platforms in frustration or burnout, others thrive. In a historically challenging job market, the flexible, highly-paid work can be a windfall. And for professionals who feel sidelined by traditional hiring—whether due to age, identity, or employment gaps—the platform bypasses implicit human bias, evaluating candidates on diverse experience, analytical skills, and raw performance.

On Reddit, a user under the handle LeatherScience633 describes their contract with DataAnnotation as life changing: “In just two months, I paid off debt that would have taken me a year. I can leave my extra jobs and actually focus on my passion.” Another user, PrudentComplaint6512, writes that gig work with Micro1 saved her after she lost a decades-long executive-level job while dealing with a chronically ill child. 

Surviving and thriving on these platforms may require a specific psychological profile: individuals with the stamina for high-speed, hyper-detailed monotony, a sharp focus under ticking timers, and sustained screen endurance. Conversely, those who struggle may simply be more creatively oriented thinkers whose low threshold for tedium and repetition makes the sheer mechanics of the work soul-crushing.

But it is doubtful that even the most well-suited contractors view AI training work as a dream career. Many turn to platforms like Mercor, Yandex, Micro1, or DataAnnotation simply because traditional opportunities have dried up—frequently displaced by the very technology they are now paid to train.

“The irony of this is not lost on me,” Victoria says. “But after working closely with AI, I’m pretty confident it’s not going to replace human output anytime soon. AI is a tool that can’t function without humans, no matter what people think.” (TM/VK)

The women who sow the fabric of everything in this land all gather hope and worry in equal measure sharing this load in groups, from the moment they are born.

I see him swinging a small clear bag, carrying a loaf, is that all?

I cling to the dolmuş for sanity, the endless ooohs and ahhs and obscenities aimed at the powers that be warm my frozen feet.

I drop off at the pine trees, breath in the sea air and read the sign Closed for Construction work as a tree topples down.

I put hope in a bag 

And hide it under my pillow 

For both of us not to come out again 

***

The TV hums like a drone overhead; no one has shot themselves outside anywhere, which is good news, though how many have done in private? I chew on this slurping down tea, biting toast and writing this. 

An old Turkish movie is on the screen. I turn to my wife. “If we can decorate the house 70s style and pretend we are living in those times. I could thicken and dye my hair black, look moody and you could grow her hair long and wavy.” “You’re joking, right? “Yes.” I wasn’t. I turned on TRT Türkü radio and wallowed in the pain and suffering of lovers who couldn’t see each other as they lived on opposite mountains. Couldn’t they just yell at each other? I shook my head at the woman singing about how rotten men are. And this was the good times?

***

It rains here every single day in biblical proportions. I imagine phoning mum from the bottom of sea. “Wasn’t there a Noah’s Ark?” “No mum, you can’t send large items into the country,” as I farted my last bubble to the surface.

***

“Go out,” said my long-suffering wife. “Why, it’s all hopeless. What are you doing?” “Making a complaint.” It was her 25th today, she was having a rest day. “What’s it about?” “The waste bins have become smaller.” “And…” “Well next they’ll shorten the roads and block out the sun.” 

I couldn’t blame her, we were all become stressed and becoming a little loopy. 

***

Mo Salah plays for Trabzon oozing class; our local council cafe now cooks up a veggie heaven. We now avidly follow the latest TV series from the 80s and 90s when they were good. She likes my thick, dyed black hair and I adore her long blond wavy hair. She wears flowery dresses and I have lapels like plane wings. Come on in it’s 1974 1984 1994, anytime but now; cheers the cocktail bar is now open.

Kuçuradi died at Maltepe University Medical Faculty Training and Research Hospital, where she had been receiving treatment. She was president of the Philosophical Society of Turkey and honorary president of the International Federation of Philosophical Societies (FISP).

Born in İstanbul's Beyoğlu district on Oct 4, 1936, into a Greek (Rum) family, Kuçuradi witnessed major events in Turkey's recent history during her childhood and youth, including the 1942 Wealth Tax and the İstanbul Pogrom.

She graduated from Zapyon Greek High School in 1954 and studied philosophy at İstanbul University, receiving her degree in 1959. She began her academic career as an assistant to philosopher Takiyettin Mengüşoğlu.

Kuçuradi earned her doctorate in 1965 with a dissertation on the concept of the human being in the works of Arthur Schopenhauer and Friedrich Nietzsche. She taught at Atatürk University in Erzurum between 1965 and 1968.

She joined Hacettepe University in 1969, where she founded its Philosophy Department and chaired it until her retirement in 2003. She became an associate professor in 1970 and a professor in 1978.

After retiring, Kuçuradi founded and directed the Human Rights Research and Application Center at Maltepe University. She also chaired the university's UNESCO Chair and continued teaching in its Philosophy Department.

Her academic work focused on human dignity, ethics, value theory and the conceptual foundations of human rights. She argued that philosophy was not limited to abstract theory but was closely connected to everyday life and ethical responsibility.

Kuçuradi also held senior positions in international philosophical organizations. She joined FISP's board in 1983, served as secretary-general from 1988 to 1998 and as president from 1998 to 2003 before being named honorary president.

She was president of the Paris-based International Institute of Philosophy from 2014 to 2017. In Turkey, she was among the founders of the Philosophical Society of Turkey and had served as its president since 1979.

Kuçuradi also chaired the Prime Ministry's Human Rights High Advisory Board and Turkey's National Committee for UN Human Rights Education.

Her books include Human and His Values, Ethics, Human Rights: Concepts and Problems, Nietzsche and the Human Being, Schopenhauer and the Human Being, Looking at Art Through Philosophy, Among the Events of the Age and Uludağ Conversations.

She also translated major works by Immanuel Kant into Turkish, including Critique of Practical Reason, Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals and Prolegomena.

Kuçuradi received numerous awards and honors during her career, including the Goethe Medal in 1996, the Order of Merit of Germany in 2001, a UNESCO Human Rights Education Prize honorable mention in 2002 and the UNESCO Aristotle Medal in 2003. She also received honorary doctorates from the University of Crete and Universidad Ricardo Palma.