Inspired by the French Revolution, the 1931 Constitution reflected reactions against the old regime, the Church, and large landowners. The constitution emphasized that the democratic republic should be based on the separation of powers and people’s sovereignty. Within the adopted principle of secularism, church and state separated, and the church was excluded from family matters of marriage, divorce and education. Also, state financial support for churches  ended. In addition to classical and social rights and freedoms, for the first time, women's suffrage was granted. A system of government was set up with a unicameral parliament and a president with limited powers, and although elections were held, the constitution was abolished due to the Franco coup and civil war of 1936.

The republican-socialist coalition government was determined to realize the comprehensive reforms introduced in the constitution. Laws were passed to improve working conditions and strengthen trade unionism, numerous new schools were opened, and religious education was made non-compulsory. Furthermore, to secure the army's loyalty to the new regime, full-pay retirement was offered to those who wanted it. Land reform, which caused strong opposition from large landowners and conservatives around the Catholic Church and the army, resulted in an unsuccessful coup attempt in 1932. In November 1933, because of economic crises, the government enforced elections, resulting in the establishment of a radical right-wing government. All reforms were reversed, and anti-republican officers, including General Franco, were appointed to high-ranking positions in the army. The radical right's reversal of all reforms caused social unrest and a general workers strike in 1934. This social uprising was violently suppressed by the army, and the death toll reached 1,500-2,000, with 3,000 wounded and 30,000 arrested, including prominent left wing figures. 

Following corruption scandals that emerged shortly afterward in the radical right government, the left-wing coalition won the February 1936 elections. The newly elected government granted amnesty to all those who had been convicted or fled abroad during the 1934 uprising, and reinstated all the reforms of its previous government. However, in the tense political and social climate, socialists and workers were anticipating a revolution, while the radical right and conservatives were waiting for another military coup. As polarization intensified, street clashes escalated following April, and the coup attempt led by Franco on July 17-19, 1936, initiated the Spanish Civil War.   

Franco's coup attempted to overthrow the democratically elected republican government by mobilizing the masses with conservative, nationalist, and anti-communist rhetoric. He voiced nationalist discourse based on Catholic values ​​as fundamental policies and principles, characterizing the military coup attempt as a kind of "crusade." Franco vowed to restore the privileged status of the Roman Catholic Church and completely eliminate secular or anti-religious Republican laws, Marxism, anarchism, and left-wing political movements, which he accused of destroying traditional Spanish society. Franco also wanted a unified Spanish structure with a centralized military and political power, rejecting regional autonomies (such as in Catalonia and the Basque Country) and liberalism. During and after the civil war, Franco chose to eliminate his opponents and leftists through mass, violent extrajudicial executions.

During the civil war, Franco frequently repeated slogans reminiscing the imperial history of Catholic monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella. Franco's close associates also popularized the slogan "One Fatherland, One State, One Leader," echoing the German "Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer," a European fascist slogan. Furthermore, the nationalist’s war cry "Long live death!" emphasized a fatalistic soul to death among Franco's troops; and the slogan "For God and Spain" highlighted Franco's Catholic values, defining the war as a holy crusade to liberate Christianity from communism and secular republicans. 

The developments after 1931 that led to the civil war summarized above show that the conflicts between the two fronts was essentially class struggle involving the Church. As shown, implementation of the social reforms caused immense reactions from the radical right-wing, fascists, and the large landowners — and Franco, as he openly voiced, launched the coup in the name of these class interests.  

Rival fronts and international volunteer brigades 

On July 17, 1936, General Franco, with an army composed of loyal soldiers, launched a coup aimed at overthrowing the elected republican government, the Popular Front. The Spanish Popular Front was a coalition government of republicans, the Socialist Party (PSOOE), the Stalinist Spanish Communist Party (PCE), and the left-wing Marxist United Workers' Party (POUM). It was supported from the outside by the anarchist-syndicalist National Confederation of Labour (CNT).

While Britain, France, and the USA adopted a policy of non-intervention in the civil war, Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy supported Franco with tens of thousands of soldiers, aircraft, tanks, and other weapons. Fascist Italy sent approximately 75,000 soldiers, in addition to pilots and aircraft. Italian planes, along with German air support provided by approximately 5,000 air force personnel, bombed Republican cities from the air. The most intense of these attacks happened on April 26, 1937. German and Italian planes, in a three-hour bombing raid, demolished the Basque town of Guernica, killing over 200 civilians. The Spanish Civil War became a military testing ground where the newest weapons were tested in battlefield conditions.

The Republican Popular Front, opposing Franco, received significant support primarily from weapons and soldiers sent by Stalin, and tens of thousands of volunteer fighters from around fifty countries, known as “international brigades,” who came to Spain to fight against fascism. While the majority of volunteers were socialists, there were also libertarians and anarchists who wanted to prevent the spread of fascism in Europe. The French formed the largest group of volunteer fighters with 28,000 people; Germany, Austria, Poland, Italy, the United States, the United Kingdom, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Canada, Hungary, and Belgium were also represented by numerous volunteer fighters. The International Brigades were assembled, organized, and directed by Communist International, headquartered in Paris. There were seven brigades in total, each divided into battalions according to their nationality (e.g., the French-Belgian Paris Commune Battalion, the American Abraham Lincoln Battalion, the British Battalion). The combined number of volunteers changed throughout the course of the war. The total estimated number, including a small number of women, reached approximately 60,000. 

In Spain, out of a population of 23.6 million, nearly 500,000 lost their lives in the civil war. 500,000 were forced to emigrate abroad, and 150,000 workers, artists, and leftist intellectuals were murdered behind fascist lines. After the war ended, 20,000 pro-republicans were executed by firing squads, and an estimated one million people were imprisoned in 300 concentration camps and prisons. It is accepted that approximately 200,000 of those who lost their lives in the Spanish Civil War died as a result of systematic murders, mass violence, and torture. Furthermore, anarchists and leftist radicals, seeing the Catholic Church as an obstacle to major reforms, launched attacks against them, resulting in the deaths of approximately 7,000 Catholic priests, monks, and nuns in the first months of the war. By May 1937, Franco's forces were recorded to have killed both liberal and Republican clergymen, because they were against Franco.

The conflict between Stalin and Trotsky in the Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War, in a general assessment, reflects the major conflict in the 20th century between the international left and the working class against rising fascism in Europe. Another noteworthy point is that while the civil war was seen by left-wing and socialist parties as an opportunity for socialist revolution, Stalin's resolute pursuit of maintaining the power of the Republican People's Front led to conflict between opposing left-wing/socialist groups. In evaluating the Spanish Civil War and the roles of the international brigades in the war, it is also necessary to address the influences of Stalin and Trotsky on the groups/brigades close to them. In other words, it is necessary to examine the conflict between the Trotskyist movement and the Stalinists — observing that the political rivalry within the Soviet Union extended into armed conflict in Spain's civil war. It is worth remembering that Stalin, while establishing the strongest military front against Franco in the Spanish Civil War, was careful not to increase tension with leading Western countries; US, Britain, and France; in order to secure their neutrality. Therefore, he insisted that the Spanish Communist Party support the republican “Popular Front,” the prevention of the landowner property confiscations, and the cessation of radical workers’ movements and occupations. In short, while working to suppress the radical workers revolutions in Spain, Stalin engaged in violent clashes, particularly with left-wing groups close to Trotsky.

In the beginning of the civil war, Leon Trotsky, commander of the Red Army and leader of the October Revolution with Lenin, argued that victory was only possible if the workers seized power and continued to fight against Franco using revolutionary methods. Trotsky insisted that the Spanish working class separate themselves from the Popular Front, who he considered bourgeois; establish an independent workers' government; and combine military strategy with social revolution. 

Trotsky argued that cooperation with the republicans would paralyze social revolution and inevitably lead to military defeat against Franco. Therefore, he recommended equipping the workers with arms. For this reason, he also strongly criticized socialist forces like the POUM (United Marxist Workers' Party) for joining the Popular Front instead of mobilizing workers to seize power. In short, Trotsky accused the Soviet Comintern and the local Stalinists of betraying the revolution, liquidating the workers' councils, and collaborating with the bourgeoisie. 

The establishment and maintenance of the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War was part of Stalin's goal to link his political aims with international communism, as a part of a larger geo-strategic vision aimed at creating a united opposition front against fascist aggression. He also hoped and expected the policy of supporting the Republican Front could bring Moscow and the West into a closer alliance. But the process of fighting and the method of deployment and use of the Brigades proved a historical failure due to mismanagement, conflicts between the factions of socialists and anarchists, and the insufficient supply of arms and logistics. 

Other conflicts 

It is also noted that armed conflict between Soviet-backed Stalinists and anti-Stalinist leftists and anarchists took place behind the lines of the Republican People's Front between May 3-8, 1937, which was particularly intense in Barcelona. Following the suppression of the uprising, the Stalinist security apparatus and Soviet NKVD agents declared POUM illegal. Its leader Andrés Nin was abducted, arrested, tortured, and murdered. 

The conflicts between Stalinists and anarchists (excluding Trotskyists) during the Spanish Civil War over ideological and policy differences about Spain’s future are recorded as a regrettable event for the anti-fascist Republican Popular Front. While anarchists wanted to achieve a socialist revolution quickly by nationalizing land and industries, Stalinists insisted on preserving the existing order, the traditional structure, and the Republican Popular Front, especially to ensure the continued neutrality of France and England and the continuation of Soviet aid. The armed struggle between Stalinists and anarchists, which turned into open street clashes, had a seriously negative effect on the power of the anti-fascist Republican Front. 

Another noteworthy massacre during the Spanish Civil War is what historians called the Red Terror: a series of attacks, killing thousands of Catholic priests, monks, nuns, and other clergy by anarchists, communists, and other leftist radicals. In the chaos that ensued during the first weeks of the Civil War, when law and social control collapsed, anti-religious violence included the widespread looting and burning of churches, destruction of graves, and public vandalism of religious statues. 

The Red Terror massacre is recorded as the execution or killing of approximately 6,832 Catholic clergy by anarchists and leftist militias. Those killed included 13 bishops, over 4,100 diocesan priests and students, over 2,300 monks and priests, and approximately 300 nuns. 

A brief look at the historical reasons for the massacre reveals that the Catholic Church in Spain drew the ire of leftists and anarchists due to its long-standing influential position in society supporting the monarchy and conservative policies. Furthermore, these groups viewed the Catholic Church as a corrupt institution, with a power to control educational institutions and extensive land ownership, along with its significant economic and social power and influence over society and politics. Thus, it constituted a serious obstacle to the country's modernization and social equality. During Franco's attempted military coup, leftists and anarchists saw the Church as an active political and military legitimate target on Franco's front, giving the coup the character of a holy crusade.

(NT/İK)

New research from Oil for Change International (OCI) and the Center for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO) examines how “oil commodity traders” operate in the shadows, facilitating the sale of oil from producers to its end destination — in this case, Israel, often from Turkey’s Ceyhan port.

According to the report, Vitol and Heritage Petroleum FZCO shipped 22 million barrels of crude oil, of this at least about 16 million from Turkish ports. And of this, 14.4 million barrels were shipped following the Ministry of Trade’s May 2, 2024 announcement that it had suspended all trade with Israel. 

The most recent known shipment listed in the report was a Heritage shipment on April 28, 2026, from Turkey’s Ceyhan port to Ashkelon via the Nissos Serifos ship.

According to OCI and SOMO, only six months after the Turkish trade embargo, Heritage began chartering regular crude oil shipments to Israel, with all shipments departing from Turkey. Heritage also operates two subsidiary shipping companies registered in Istanbul: Shiptech Maritime Ltd. and Limusa Trading Logistics Inc. 

Turkey is mentioned 37 times throughout the report.

Strategic Litigation Lead and researcher at SOMO Lydia de Leeuw highlighted Turkey’s vital role in the Israel oil trade. She also argued that Turkey is currently failing to meet its commitments under international law. 

“Türkiye plays a major role in enabling the fuel production for Israel’s army,” said Leeuw. “Given Israel’s heavy reliance on imported crude oil, including for producing fuel for its military, Türkiye facilitates a lifeline for an army that commits genocide and maintains an illegal occupation.”

Oil shipments from Turkey's ports destined for other countries end up in Israel, report finds

27 January 2026

Researchers and activists have repeatedly alleged that Ankara has not enforced its alleged trade embargo with Israel, especially in regards to Azerbaijani oil shipments from the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline. This new report adds to the plethora of existing data by specifically highlighting the role of middlemen commodity traders post the embargo announcement. 

In response to these allegations, Ankara has simply denied reports that Turkish ports ship to Israel, saying that Azerbaijan has “respected its decision to end trade with Israel.” 

Israeli official website blocked in Turkey after revealing continued trade despite sanctions

31 March 2026

Leeuw said the following about Turkey’s oil embargo: 

“A symbolic trade ban does nothing to save lives in Palestine, and gives the false impression that Türkiye is meeting its obligation under the Genocide Convention ‘to employ all means reasonably available to them’ to stop the genocide. Oil traders, shipping companies, and other companies involved in Israel’s oil supply continue their business as usual due to a glaring lack of political will among the States where they operate or are domiciled to put an end to Israel’s crimes against the Palestinians. If international law is to mean anything, States need to impose a long-overdue oil embargo on Israel.” — Lydia de Leeuw, SOMO

Researchers from SOMO and OCI used available data from the shipping platform Kpler, as well as supplementary data from the London Stock Exchange Group, inspection data from the Port State Control and satellite images. They tracked shipments between Oct. 13, 2023 and Jun. 30 2026, amounting to over 250 oil shipments from 19 countries.

The report listed various steps that should be taken by countries involved in the Israeli oil trade, including Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, The United Arab Emirates, Greece, Russia, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Luxembourg and Turkey. 

For Turkey, the report stressed that the country should take robust measures to actually enforce the current trade ban, including preventing the transit of crude via its territory if it is destined for export to Israel’s refineries. The report also said that Turkey should not allow companies to facilitate the transit, docking, and servicing at their ports of vessels carrying or getting loaded with crude oil destined for Israel.

Naish Gawen, a researcher at Data Desk, argued that countries like Turkey who claim to be implementing a trade ban should still be held accountable if they renege on their commitments. 

“The data reveals that words and commitments are not always aligned with the actual trade flows to Israel,” said Gawen. “With countries like Türkiye ostensibly implementing a trade ban, it is important that there is accountability over these claims.” 

“I would say that Türkiye is putting its economic interests over the lives of the Palestinians, while claiming the opposite, through a symbolic trade ban,” Leeuw said.

(IK/HA)

Nine suspects who were onboard the ship, including the captain, crew and company employees, appeared in court for the second time today regarding the incident that left nine dead. Additionally, Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) Prime Minister Ünal Üstel announced the removal of Minister of Transport Erhan Arıklı from duty. 

At least 8 dead after boat capsizes off the coast of Northern Cyprus

31 August 2026

Investigation onboard: Ship captain was warned not to set sail 

In today’s court hearing, the judge collected evidence via questionings of the captain, M.Ö., who is in custody, as well as the chief mate M.N.S., crew members M.G., S.E., V.H., R.İ., Z.Ö., K.K. and company employee A.Ö. 

Chief mate M.N.S. revealed in his statement that he warned the captain not to set sail that day. The chief mate explained that the captain was aware that the ship was taking in water, but decided to sail regardless, because he did not believe it would pose an obstacle to the voyage. 

The court panel announced that it had been determined that the captain also did not take the logbook with him while leaving the ship, as records had not reached them due to the ship’s black box not yet being found. A captain’s logbook is an official record-keeping journal intended to track a vessel’s navigation, daily operations, weather conditions and significant events during a voyage — it also can serve the purpose of legal documentation and official evidence. 

According to the initial expert witness report,  if the ship had reduced speed from the moment it began taking on water, the probability of returning to port without sinking would have been high. 

It was also entered into the record that the captain M.Ö bought his new captain's license from Honduras for 3,500 dollars upon the end of his previous license's validity. However, this was accepted as equivalent by the TRNC, presenting no actual legal problem.

The judge ultimately extended the detention periods of nine suspects who were onboard the ship, including the captain, crew and company employees, by an additional eight days as the investigation continues. For five subjects, their appearance in court was deemed unnecessary, including two port officials and three company employees. Information from the police report revealed that two wanted suspects were outside Northern Cyprus. 

TRNC’s Minister of Transport dismissed 

On the legislative front, the TRNC Prime Minister Ünal Üstel announced Minister of Transport Erhan Arıklı’s removal from duty. Following Arıklı’s removal, the Rebirth Party (YDP), who Arıklı serves as Chairman for, made the decision to withdraw from the ruling government coalition. 

Üstel said that Arıklı’s removal was "for the safety of the investigation and the relief of the public conscience."

Northern Cyprus opposition party Group Deputy Chairman: Filo Jet ship capsizing is not an isolated incident

2 September 2026

According to reporting from Anadolu Agency, Arıklı said in a press statement yesterday that he would not make a comprehensive evaluation of the incident until the missing people are reached as he did not want to politicize the ship accident at this stage.  

Arıklı, who had controversially not gone to the scene of the incident following the capsizing, also made statements explaining that he had received "information indicating that relatives of the missing were being provoked.” He said he did not want to stoke possible tension and create a political debate. 

The YDP currently has two deputies in parliament. With its withdrawal, the current UBP-DP ruling government block's number of seats has dropped to 25. Thus the ruling coalition government will remain below the 26 seats needed to hold an absolute majority in the 50-member assembly.

However, this does not mean the ruling coalition will fall. It will just require that they seek the support of independents or other parties in the assembly. 

(VC/İK)

According to Article 45 of Municipal Law No. 5393, Turkish deputy mayor elections are voted on by members of the municipal council, as opposed to the public, which means that the detention of the two council members could result in a critical loss of votes for the opposition. 

Deputy mayor elections can last multiple rounds if neither candidate receives the required two-thirds of total votes in the first round. The threshold subsequently drops if elections are pushed into third and fourth rounds. 

Only hours after the detention of the council members, the Istanbul Governor’s Office requested that the election be held within the 4-day detention period, on Saturday, September 5 at 10am. 

Opposition members accused the judiciary of being politicized.  

İstanbul's Üsküdar district mayor detained in 'corruption' investigation

29 July 2026

Background 

Üsküdar mayor Sinem Dedetaş was initially arrested in late July as part of an investigation into alleged irregularities in building permit procedures. The mayor’s arrest was part of a series of "corruption" probes targeting opposition-run municipalities since March last year.

More than 35 mayors have been detained in corruption probe investigations, including mayors of major cities such as İstanbul, Bursa, Adana and Antalya. The opposition views these operations as politically motivated efforts orchestrated by the government to weaken their rivals.

Most of these municipalities have remained under the control of the opposition, though, because the acting mayors that replace suspended ones are elected by municipal councils, where opposition parties generally hold a majority. 

As a result of the arrest, the Istanbul Governor’s Office convened the municipal council to elect a new acting mayor in accordance with the Municipalities Law. In the election held on August 5, the CHP candidate, Sibel Tan Çetinkaya, faced off against the Justice and Development Party (AKP) candidate, Dündar Ziya Gültekin. Neither candidate achieved the required majority, thus pushing the election into the third round. 

In the third round, an unexpected voter surge for the AKP candidate and some ballot invalidations sparked debates in the city council. Ultimately, CHP candidate Çetinkaya still won and was elected deputy mayor in the fourth round with 22 votes. 

The AKP successfully challenged Çetinkaya’s win in court, arguing that some of the votes had been declared invalid. The Istanbul 2nd Administrative Court suspended the implementation of the election decision, and rejected Üsküdar Municipality’s appeal on the decision, thus paving the way for a new deputy mayor election — the one in question. 

During this process the CHP also experienced some of its own internal controversies. Party executives announced that two council members, whom they alleged voted for the AKP candidate in the third round, were made to resign from the party. However, this claim has not been verified in detail by independent sources outside of the statements from the party.

As preparations for this new election took place, Üsküdar Deputy Mayors Amine Cansu Çelik and Mithat Özdemir were taken into custody yesterday on Sept. 2. Additionally, First Deputy Speaker of the City Council Ali Aral and Deputy Speaker Nihat Doğan were also required to give statements but were released subsequently after.

Following the arrests, the Istanbul Governor’s Office announced that the election for the new deputy mayor would be held only days later on September 5.

Thirty-one opposition mayors removed from office since 2024 elections

2 April 2026

“The judiciary is political through and through” 

Former IMM CHP Group Spokesperson and New Party Deputy Secretary General Tarık Balyalı criticized the fact that the election is being held while voting council members remain in custody, arguing that the judiciary has become politicized. 

Balyalı said the judiciary, the administration, and law enforcement all acting in concert to exert pressure on the election. 

Balyalı said the following: 

• The following developments have taken place following the canceled election for Deputy Mayor of Üsküdar Municipality:
• First, two CHP city council members who voted for the AKP in the third round of the deputy mayor election were forced to resign from their party.
• Today, four of our City Council members were summoned for questioning. Two of our City Council members were taken into custody and will remain in custody for four days.
• A few hours after our City Council members were taken into custody, the Istanbul Governor’s Office set the date for the election of the new Acting Mayor.
• Under these circumstances, the election for Acting Mayor will take place on Saturday, September 5, at 10:00 a.m., while our City Council members remain in custody.
• Didn’t they say, “The judiciary is independent in Turkey,” right?
• The judiciary in Turkey is not independent at all; on the contrary, it is “political” through and through

Meanwhile, the ruling AKP said the investigation is being conducted entirely within the framework of judicial proceedings and the election schedule was determined in accordance with legal procedures — thus, denying any foul play. 

(AEK/İK)

In a video that drew immense backlash on social media, the man said: "The best of the Kurds is the one who dies and enters the grave. They gather and speak Kurdish; you will not let them speak. You will not pity them; you will kick them." 

Following the spread of the video, the Amedspor Jurists Association filed a criminal complaint. Additionally, members of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Islamist-Kurdish Free Cause Party (HÜDA PAR) released statements calling for an investigation. 

"A racist mindset that spews enough hate to say 'The best Kurd is a dead Kurd!' is a very serious threat both for our creed, the survival of our state and our social peace,” said former AKP MP and President of the Democracy and Unity Association/Foundation Mehmet Metiner. “This is simply a heavy crime."

Amedspor is not just a football team

10 May 2026

HÜDA PAR Deputy Faruk Dinç echoed the same sentiment. 

"Legal proceedings must be initiated immediately regarding this insolent person who uttered unmentionable insults against the Kurdish people, and the sycophants around him,” said Dinç. “Every second this low-life is not punished will shake society's trust in justice."

A second post by Mitner confirmed that by order of Minister of Justice Akın Gürlek the individual in the video had been detained. 

According to other reports, people emerging from fan buses also carried out attacks on citizens in Diyarbakır’s Ergani district and large-scale property damage was done in the Amedspor stadium. 

Racism against Amedspor 

Due to Amedspor’s reputation as an openly pro-Kurdish team, the team and its fans have become a frequent target of debate and racist attacks — this discourse has only grown following Amedspor’s historic promotion this year to Turkey’s highest league, the Süper Lig. 

Kurdish club Amedspor promoted to Süper Lig

2 May 2026

Earlier this season five Kocaelispor supporters were placed under house arrest after raising yellow plastic bags meant to symbolize bodybags towards Amedspor players and supporters. This provocation, in reference to dead Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) members, is often used as a threat towards Kurdish politicians, journalists and citizens. 

5 Kocaelispor fans put under house arrest after anti-Kurd threats

26 August 2026

Additionally, Amedspor has been fined by the Turkish Football Federation (TFF) over instances such as featuring Kurdish-language sponsorships on their uniforms and posting hair braiding on social media, a form of online protest in support of Kurdish women fighters in Syria.

(FY/İK)

Lawyer Mehmet Ümit Erdem said that there are currently no laws or circulars that outlaw drinking in public. There are, however, laws against disturbing the public while drunk. He called the drone enforcement a de-facto decision without any legal basis that encroaches on people’s lifestyles. 

“There is no decision in place; a de-facto situation is being created,” he said.  

The situation began on Aug. 31 by the city walls of Fatih when a police drone equipped with sirens and a loudspeaker alerted those drinking alcohol in the area: “This is a police drone. Drinking alcohol in this area is prohibited. Leave this area immediately.” 

The scene went viral on social media. Many users noted that it felt dystopian, straight out of a science fiction movie. 

Turkish police deploy loudspeaker-equipped drones to disperse public drinkers

31 August 2026

The incident was repeated again on the Üsküdar shoreline the next day. This time the drone called out: “Alcohol consumption here is prohibited. Please comply with the warnings and move away. Otherwise, legal action will be taken.”  

Erdem said that the phrase “Drinking alcohol in this area is prohibited” has no legal basis. 

According to Erdem, Article 35 of the Misdemeanors Law No. 5326, titled “Drunkenness,” does not regulate alcohol consumption on its own as a misdemeanor. The article foresees administrative sanctions for people who “behave in a manner that disturbs the peace and tranquility of others while drunk.” Therefore a person merely consuming alcohol in the park, the beach or any other open space does not automatically constitute a misdemeanor unless paired with another behavior. 

Erdem added that current regulations draw a clear distinction between “using alcohol” and “getting drunk and disturbing the environment.” 

“According to our legislation, there is no penalty or sanction for using alcohol in open spaces,” said Erdem. “An administrative sanction is regulated only under the Misdemeanors Law in cases of damaging the environment or disturbing citizens after using alcohol — and this is an administrative fine.”

Previous prohibition attempts 

This is not the first time the İstanbul Governorship has tried to restrict alcohol consumption. The Governorship previously attempted to ban alcoholic beverages in a Aug. 17, 2023 circular titled “Sale of Alcohol and Consumption of Alcoholic Beverages,” which would have prohibited consumption in parks, picnic and recreational areas, coastal strips, beaches, and similar places. 

İstanbul governor clarifies 'public alcohol ban' circular

30 August 2023

Erdem brought the circular to the judiciary, and after an initial rejection of the lawsuit by the Istanbul 7th Administrative Court, the 10th Administrative Case Chamber of the Istanbul Regional Administrative Court (BİM) accepted Erdem’s appeal on December 27, 2024, annulling the Governorship’s ban. 

BİM cited Article 13 of the Constitution in its decision, stating that measures restricting fundamental rights and freedoms must be based on law, and that the law in question does not contain a provision regarding the inability to consume alcohol in open spaces. It also ruled that "mere alcohol consumption" in open spaces cannot be said to disrupt public order and security — ultimately concluding that the circular was not in compliance with the law. 

The situation is more dangerous today than in 2023 

According to Erdem, today’s situation is a more serious legal problem than the announced circular from 2023, because the Governorship is enforcing its decision without an accompanying official order.  

“We see that the pressure on alcohol drinkers has deepened even further today. 2023 was a trial run. The Governorship took a decision, and it was overturned by the judiciary. But the current practice is more dangerous. Because there is no decision in place” —Lawyer Mehmet Ümit Erdem 

Erdem believes that these efforts are an attempt to gradually prohibit drinking and make society more conservative at large. He called the drone inspections specifically “an intervention in lifestyle.” 

Erden said that he was unable to find any general order or circular that could have been the basis for the new drone warnings. With no circular, no lawsuit can be filed to cancel the regulatory act. 

“Police can inspect but cannot view the alcohol drinker as a potential danger”

Erden explained that police have the right to patrol an area without waiting for a crime to be committed. Law enforcement does possess inspection authority under the scope of general public order. However, this does not mean police have unlimited authority to intervene, he said. 

Police are also not allowed to inspect in a manner that only targets those consuming alcohol.  

The police always have the authority to conduct inspections. However, conducting inspections in a manner that harasses citizens or portrays only alcohol users as a potential danger is irregular/unlawful. Therefore, conducting inspections on people or issuing warnings just because they are consuming alcohol is unlawful. —Lawyer Mehmet Ümit Erdem 

Law enforcement can intervene when they see drunkenness, rowdiness, noise, or concrete behavior that disturbs others. However, removing a person from where they are located simply by looking at the drink in their hand—when no such behavior exists yet—constitutes a different kind of intervention, he said. 

“The police also have patrol duties. A crime does not need to be committed for the police to come. Police or night watchmen (bekçiler) can walk around within the scope of general surveillance authority, but they can only observe. They cannot harass or disturb people who are sitting normally. They cannot take action without reasonable suspicion of a crime.”

Erdem added that the problem is not patrol activity itself, but rather the evaluation of people who consume alcohol as "potential criminals."

Can the drone footage be used in legal proceedings? 

Some may be wondering if footage taken by a police drone can later be used as evidence for administrative sanctions. Erdem explained that the legal basis for this is also controversial. 

“A tracking or surveillance activity not based on legal legislation should be considered unlawful evidence from the outset,” he said. 

Erdem also stated that if it is seen in the footage that the person was not being rowdy, this should be specifically asserted in the objection against the penalty. He suggested requesting the footage and demanding its examination by the judge: “It needs to be clearly seen that there was no rowdiness there and that there was no illegal activity.” 

On the other hand, Erdem also said that the absence of a written circular whose cancellation can be requested shifts the legal struggle to individual administrative acts. Even so, he says that individuals against whom action was taken following a drone warning should apply for judicial remedies. 

In the event an administrative fine is issued, people should contest this fine before the Criminal Judgeship of Peace (Sulh Ceza Hâkimliği). Following the exhaustion of ordinary remedy paths, the issue can be carried all the way to the Constitutional Court (AYM). In such an application, the AYM could determine the limits of practices regarding alcohol consumption in open spaces. And the debate can only end with a decision that the AYM gives in this direction. —Lawyer Mehmet Ümit Erdem. 

Erdem concluded by saying the following: 

“Gradually, our room for maneuver is narrowing. Even the smallest illegality, when voices are not raised against it in time, can appear before you as a huge problem. That is why it is important for citizens and legal experts to apply to the necessary institutions regarding every incident that intervenes in lifestyles or that they consider contrary to human rights, regardless of how small it seems.”

(HA/İK)

When news media did use rights-based peace journalism language, it tended to correspond with diplomatic updates. 

Her study examined major TV news and political program coverage, including CNN Türk, atv, İlke TV, Sözcü TV, Halk TV, and NOW TV during the period between January 6 – February 6, 2026, through a rights-based peace lens. The research conducted a large data analysis of 225,460 sentences obtained from 303 broadcasts, qualitative discourse analysis and anonymous interviews conducted with television journalists.  

The final 112-page report titled "In Pursuit of Rights-Based Peace Journalism on Television: The 'Syria' Agenda” was supported by Civil Rights Defenders and published by the IPS Communication Foundation/bianet.

Coverage between conflict, ceasefires and rising tensions 

The time period of the study coincided with several turning points in the Syrian political situation. This allowed for comparison in how Turkish news media covered conflicts, ceasefire and other other political developments. 

During the period of the study, fighting broke out between the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the Syrian army on Jan. 6, a ceasefire and Kurdish integration process was announced on Jan. 18, a controversial incident where protestors lowered a Turkish flag in Syria occurred on Jan. 20, hair braiding (kezî) protests broke out on Jan. 21, protests were held in İstanbul on Jan. 24 against the Syrian government attacks on Rojava, fighting took place between SDF and the Syrian government again in Kobanî and on the Hasakah countryside on January 26, and a consensus was reached between Damascus and the SDF on Jan. 30. 

This period also coincided with the Kurdish peace process in Turkey, allowing for readers to understand how the Turkish media’s approach to covering Kurdish issues and editorial preferences may shift based on larger political developments. 

The study demonstrated that between the period from Jan. 6 to Jan. 13, when there was conflict between SDF and the Syrian army, the Turkish media heavily utilized security, operation and organization-based language. 

Media coverage from Jan. 18 to Jan. 19, upon a ceasefire announcement between SDF and the Syrian government, used language indicative of politics and negotiations. However, this pattern was quickly reversed days later, on account of the noteworthy “flag lowering” incident, when during protests along the Nusaybin-Kamışlı border a Turkish flag in the former customs area was allegedly lowered by demonstrators on the Syrian side. This drew the strong ire in Turkey. 

The report outlines this pattern — one of where military and diplomatic developments dictate the type of language used in coverage — as fundamentally harmful to rights-based peace journalism. In this cycle, rights-based peace language is only temporarily used and then inevitably discarded based on broader diplomatic developments — instead of being regularly applied through consistent editorial principles. 

Kurdish solidarity protests were often excluded from coverage 

In addition to analyzing outlet coverage, the study also examined what events were excluded from broadcast. 

For example, hair-braiding protests in solidarity with Kurdish women fighters killed in Syria that began on Jan. 21 and marches organized in İstanbul on Jan. 24 against attacks on North and East Syria received limited coverage or were not featured at all on the majority of the channels analyzed in the study. 

The report said that the erasure of certain voices is even more dramatic when it comes to issues pertaining to women. TV reporting tended to focus on official agreements and military developments, thus often leaving women's solidarity, bodily violence, and political demands expressed through street protests off of the agenda. 

Differences between channels 

The report said that CNN Türk, NOW TV, and Halk TV all used expressions tagged as hate speech when talking about the Kurdish issue at rates significantly higher than general channel averages. However, the study also noted that percentage figures surrounding negative language should not be interpreted as an “ethical violation ranking,” because some sentences may wrongfully receive a “negative sentiment tag” by the large language model in instances such as criticizing existing violence. Separate analysis done during the qualitative part of the study addressed the broader context around these sentences. 

Additionally, one of the key differences between channels arises in the frameworks they use to discuss the developments, rather than solely how much airtime they give to the Syria agenda. 

According to the report, atv’s use of polarizing language remains at 8.6% normally, and rises to 57.3% in sentences related to the Kurdish issue. Meanwhile their rate of “othering” language when talking about the Kurdish issue rises from 3.5% to 50.3%. Additionally, Atv’s coverage addresses military intervention within the framework of "necessity" and "inevitability." 

When discussing Kurdish issues, CNN Türk’s usage of polarizing language rises from 11.6% normally to 37.7%. And their rates of “othering” language rise from 4.5% to 27.2%. CNN Türk’s narrative framework is constructed predominantly around security, central state authority, and Turkey’s border security

NOW TV does not give as much coverage to the events in Syria generally, but when they do, it gives weight to official sources and security-based narratives. Sözcü TV did cover military developments, diplomatic contracts and technical field information. However, Syrian central state authority and Turkey’s security concerns continued to form the baseline framework. 

The report identified Halk TV as the platform with the most inconsistent editorial policy. The channel opens space for negotiation processes, political solution possibilities, protests and civil actions. However, despite this, it also produces problematic discourses due to tensions between textual narratives and audiovisual dramatization. 

Among the channels included in the study, İlke TV stands out as the one most closely aligned with rights-based peace journalism. Kurdish identity is directly visible in the channel’s news coverage. Additionally, ceasefires and agreements are discussed not only in terms of military developments, but also in terms of linguistic and cultural rights, citizenship, political representation, local security, and constitutional guarantees.

The study noted that across channels the focus on security discourses is not limited to only pro-government broadcasters. Even among channels that defined themselves as in opposition to the Turkish government, many similar patterns persisted. Opposition channels could criticize government policies and put more distance between themselves and official statements. However, state-centered coverage, security expertise and the distinction of “legitimate actors” persisted in their broadcasts about Syria.  

The report stressed that many channels restrict “peace” to solely the re-establishment of central state authority and the liquidation of armed structures. However, in a more rights-based broadcast, political representation, equal citizenship, local governance and the re-establishment of civil life should also be addressed as parts of the solution.

The role of journalists 

The study also consisted of interviews with journalists themselves. The researchers found that structural conditions in the journalism sector serve as a major barrier in rights-based peace coverage. 

Regardless of an individual journalist’s personal sensibilities or choice of words it remains difficult to overcome structural, institutional, rights-based peace journalism, which requires addressing structural conditions, institutional operation, and daily production practices.

A journalist objecting to a problematic expression, refraining from reporting unverified news, or proposing a more inclusive source list constitutes a necessary professional stance; however, in an institution where editorial interventions exist, job security is weak, written principles are not enforced, and decisions change from person to person, this stance cannot gain continuity. Editorial independence, adequate staffing, regular in-house training opportunities, field specialization, multi-stage in-house verification, correction and oversight workflows, and journalist safety can transform individual efforts and sensitivity into institutional guarantees. Consequently, peace journalism can transform into a daily and sustainable practice of journalism to the extent that individual ethical sensitivity is backed by structural and institutional possibilities. –Professor Nazan Haydari

According to the report, journalists often prioritize the perspectives of state officials, security sources, and official institutions, not just as sources of information, but even in determining how they name an event. This results in the erasure of communities outside of being mere subjects in official statements. Journalists should instead allow communities to speak for themselves. 

The report said it’s important for journalists to not speak on behalf of the “other,” but rather open up spaces for those who have been excluded to express themselves, in addition to their knowledge, experiences and demands. 

Click here for the full research report in Turkish.

Click here for the PDF version of the Peace Journalism Handbook.

(HA/İK)

A chemical tanker named ALSU, sailing from Kocaeli to Aliağa, collided with bulk carrier TUĞBERK İMAMOĞLU, sailing from İskenderun Port to Karadeniz Ereğli. Although initial responding teams found no visible damage on ALSU, authorities have been unable to establish contact with TUĞBERK İMAMOĞLU and its 10 crew members. 

The Ministry of Transport's Directorate General of Maritime Affairs announced on X that they suspect the TUĞBERK İMAMOĞLU had sunk. 

“Due to the TUĞBERK İMAMOĞLU vessel failing to respond to any calls and the crew members' mobile phones not being answered ... it is believed the TUĞBERK İMAMOĞLU dry cargo vessel has sunk," the Maritime Directorate said. 

The directorate also said that life-saving equipment, including an empty lifeboat from the TUĞBERK İMAMOĞLU, had been found floating on the surface.

14 sea vessels and a Coast Guard helicopter belonging to the General Directorate of Coastal Safety and the Coast Guard Marmara and Straits Command were dispatched to the scene following the accident.

Search and rescue operations continue. No statement has been made on the cause of the accident.

(NÖ/İK)

Akansoy, who also served as the former Minister of Interior and Labor, spoke to Bianet outlining why he thinks the issue should not be considered an isolated incident, but rather a symptom of larger issues. He said that poor governance, lack of oversight, and malfunctioning of public institutions have long plagued Northern Cyprus — ultimately led to the capsizing. 

"There is a great surge of anger in the country," said Akansoy. “Those governing the country are incapable of doing this job." 

"In my view, this maritime accident is an issue that should not be viewed as an isolated incident," he added. 

At least 8 dead after boat capsizes off the coast of Northern Cyprus

31 August 2026

Akansoy argued that over the years meritocracy in Northern Cyprus has weakened and state institutions have lost capacity, resulting in a severe drop in the number of institutions that can provide efficient services. This, in turn, has restricted the government’s ability to inspect the ports and transportation sector.  

The weakening of oversight mechanisms have led to growing problems across different areas. One example Akansoy mentioned is population management and a lack of clear data on the subject. Akansoy explained that the population has increased rapidly and uncontrollably throughout recent years and the state does not possess sufficient information on the size and structure of it. 

According to the study titled "Population and Demography Bulletin (2014-2023)" published by the KKTC Statistics Institute in 2025, the last population census in the KKTC was conducted on Dec. 4, 2011. 

Akansoy said this weakening of oversight mechanisms ultimately manifested in this weekend’s ferry capsizing. He also said that unfortunately this problem disproportionately harmed low-income and working class people who tend to use maritime transport as opposed to other transportation means. 

"Unfortunately, these people were hurt by the void created by this lack of oversight," Akansoy said. 

As of now, 14 individuals have been detained in the investigation on the ship capsizing — including the ship's captain, seven crew members, a company employee, and two port officials, who were all brought to the Kyrenia District Court yesterday. The Court granted three additional days of detention for nine individuals consisting of the ship's captain, crew, and a company employee, but ruled for the release of 5, including two port officials, who will be tried without remand. 

Akansoy believes that the chain of responsibility for the accident should not remain limited solely to the ship’s technical staff, and has joined the growing calls for the resignation of KKTC Minister of Public Works and Transportation Erhan Arıklı. 

The next court hearing on the boat incident will take place on Sept. 3, for the purpose of taking statements, collecting documents and paperwork, hearing witnesses and evaluating new findings. 

Speaking on the demands for accountability, Akansoy said the following: 

"What is important here is the public conscience. We will go all the way. We will make no concessions whatsoever." 

(VC/İK)

This is because in this country, there are families who have been waiting for news from their children for years. Mothers, fathers, siblings waiting without any knowledge of whether their children are alive or dead, or whether they will ever return — PKK families. 

At a time when there is frequent debate over whether Turkey will now enter a new period of peace and whether armed forces will return to the country or not — the question of “will guerrillas come to Turkey?” may be a purely political debate, while for others it may be a debate about “terrorists coming.” 

However, for another segment of society the question is simpler, and far heavier: 

“Will our children return to their homeland? Will they come home?” 

Some did, indeed, did come home — inside of caskets. 

In recent weeks, the remains of some guerrillas who had been missing for years were returned to their families.Condolence gatherings were held in İstanbul, Batman, Şırnak and Diyarbakır. Families received the remains of their children, with only whose photographs they had lived with for years. Out of the pain, a call for peace rose once again.

While mourning their own children, families speaking to the Mesopotamia Agency (MA) said that other families should not have to experience the same pain. The emphasis on peace was always present.

Is peace simply the absence of death? No. 

Peace also means upholding the dignity of the dead, allowing families to mourn, and ensuring that the deceased are laid to rest in a manner befitting human dignity.

Mourning is everyone’s right

From a human rights perspective, the right to mourn is not the exclusive right of a particular group or for those of a specific political viewpoint. It is part of the rights inherent to being human. Respect for the deceased and the right to a proper burial are also directly linked to human dignity.

Human Rights Association (İHD) executive and human rights defender Osman İşçi draws attention to precisely this point. 

İşçi said that, following the release of information about PKK members who lost their lives in conflicts over the years and the families’ observance of mourning rituals, the concept of “human dignity” was the first thing that came to mind.

Describing human dignity as a “lighthouse” from the perspective of human rights advocates, İşçi highlights why this concept is important as mothers, fathers, families, and friends make their way to the condolence gatherings.

He said it’s because human dignity is not a value we possess only while living. It also encompasses the right to mourn and the right to burial.

According to İşçi, some of the criticisms leveled at the mourning period observed following the deaths of these individuals are also subjective from this perspective. In his view, these criticisms are also an indication of the damage inflicted on social peace by years of armed conflict and an environment of violence.

They were not equal while living, nor were they equal when they died

This is one of the heaviest consequences of Turkey's conflict-ridden history. Some people were not viewed as equal citizens while living, nor did they receive equal treatment after death.

However, no matter the debates regarding how a person lived, which political identity they carried, or which side they were on — death does not negate the right of those left behind to mourn. 

A funeral body being laid to rest, a mother wailing after her child, a father standing at the head of his child's grave is not a political privilege. It is a right stemming from simply being human. 

The fact that some feel discomfort over the condolence gatherings set up for the deceased shows us how deep the wounds of war have actually opened not just in bodies, but also in the memory and conscience of society. 

The politics of death 

The concept of necro-politics gains importance here. 

The concept of necro-politics developed by Cameroonian thinker Achille Mbembe deals not only with how power regulates people’s lives, but also in how it determines the conditions of death, and subjects certain people’s lives to the threat of death.

From this perspective, wars, conflicts, occupations, border policies and state violence can be understood not only as events causing people’s deaths, but also as political processes leading to certain lives being considered less valuable and certain deaths more invisible.

However, perhaps one of the heaviest consequences of necro-politics emerges after death itself: Whose mourning gets to be held, whose deceased gets to be visible, at whose grave can people gather, and which deaths will society remember also becomes a political issue.

Yet peace precisely means being able to break this cycle.

Recognizing the right to "mourn" for those left behind after a person's death does not mean approving of one of the parties in the war. 

Nor does showing respect to a deceased person eliminate all political debates in that person's life. However, it recalls one of the fundamental principles of human rights: Human dignity does not disappear when a person's life comes to an end, either.

Without peace, mourning cannot be completed either

Osman İşçi’s words gain importance here yet again: 

“When viewed in the context of the right to mourn, it is necessary to state that certain criticisms reflected in the press are subjective. In essence, these criticisms are an indicator and a result of the destruction created in terms of social peace by the environment of violence and armed conflicts spanning many years.”

This is why Sept. 1 is not merely a day to say “let there be no war.” It’s also a day to voice the demand for a country where our dead can also be sent off in a manner worthy of human dignity, where families can mourn for their children, where bodies are not kept waiting for years and where the fate of the missing is known. Because peace concerns not only the future of those who survive, but also the dignity of those left behind. 

In the words of human rights defender İşçi: 

“For precisely this reason, on September 1 Peace Day, it is necessary to underline that we need a resolution in the Kurdish Issue. Let us establish peace so that the right to mourn and burial can also be fulfilled in a manner worthy of human dignity.”

(EMK/İK)

The Presidency announced the decision in the Official Gazette yesterday. The announcement also said that the state-owned mining company Eti Maden will manage the operation area, which will be expropriated for group 4 minerals, which include thorium, barite, fluorite, and REEs. 

The vast majority of the 258 expropriated properties are arable fields, but also include some fruit orchards and livestock enclosures. The total title deed area of the lands exceeds 2 million 947 thousand square meters and approximately 90% of that total deed area will be urgently expropriated. On these sites open-pit mines, waste dams, and waste-rock dumping sites will be built. 

Turkey’s test on rare earth elements

14 February 2026

What are rare earth elements? 

Rare earth elements, of which 17 are known to exist on Earth, are often referred to as small but vital “vitamins” of modern technology. They impart important magnetic, optical, and electrical properties on the materials they are used in, even in small amounts, and play an indispensable role in energy systems, magnets, and advanced technological applications — making them especially important in the weapons and energy sectors. Without REEs, modern defense technologies cannot function and clean energy infrastructure cannot be built. 

In the defense industry, REEs are used in radar, sonar, communication systems, missile and jet engines, night vision devices, lasers and precision sensors. They are also used as additives in industrial processes when producing catalysts, glass, ceramics, polymers and alloy. REE’s are also vital in the production of SmCo and NdFeB magnets, which are placed in electric motors and wind turbines. 

REEs are divided into light and heavy categories. While light REEs are relatively more abundant, heavy REEs are rarer and of higher strategic importance.

Rare earth element reserves in Turkey: What is known and what remains unknown

10 October 2025

In 2023, the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources announced that the Beylikova region holds the second-largest REE reserves in the world after China, with 694 million tons in the Eskişehir province. However, Turkey is still in the process of finalizing international certification on this number, which is why Turkey’s supply is not listed in international catalogs.  

According to the language of the Presidential decision, the expropriation is aimed to "to implement the project and investment processes of mining activities, industrial facilities, and infrastructures directed at bringing underground riches of strategic importance into the economy" of the region. 

Hoping to counter Chinese influence, the United States has shown deep interest in Turkey’s REE supply. China currently supplies 60 to 70% of REEs. US President Donald Trump has argued that China’s monopoly over global REE production and processing capacity could be used to exert potential pressure on the US. Turkey has emerged as a potential alternative in this regard. 

The mining projects to be carried out in the Sivrihisar and Beylikova districts include: open-pit project areas, stripping/overburden waste dump areas, access roads, run-of-mine ore, low-grade ore stockpile areas, tailings dam / waste dam, Industrial production facilities, other auxiliary facilities, infrastructure facilities and administrative building settlement areas.

In a May 2025 analysis, the National Intelligence Academy noted that REEs are no longer merely an economic commodity but have become “a geopolitical lever and strategic weapon.”

(CS/İK)

The scene quickly spread on social media. Many users said that the scene felt very dystopian, directly out of a science fiction movie. Some raised concerns about surveillance more broadly. 

According to Evrensel reporting, the drones, equipped with sirens, speakers and spotlights, have the capacity to operate in both daytime and nighttime hours due to thermal and night vision capabilities. They can also automatically track vehicles using an object tracking system.   

Similarly, another police drone was spotted yesterday along the Üsküdar shoreline, also announcing to drinkers over loudspeaker that alcohol consumption is prohibited in that area, warning drinkers to disperse or legal action will be taken.

Drone-backed police operation targets trans women in Beyoğlu: ‘We’re too afraid to work’

28 July 2025

İstanbul police said that the technology has been employed for about a year now and is being used across all 39 districts of the city. On July 18 2025, police utilized drones in an operation against trans sex workers in Beyoğlu. During the evening raid, drones recorded overhead while officers blocked all of the street entrances and exits to conduct house raids. 

Police have also used drones in some high profile narcotics operations in other cities across Turkey. 

İstanbul Police Chief Selami Yıldız praised the advanced level of surveillance technology owned by the İstanbul police department. 

"We do not watch İstanbul with our eyes closed; we monitor it at many points with our urban security management system cameras and our unmanned aerial vehicle cameras," Yıldız said. 

İstanbul police perform ID checks on 450,000 people on Friday night 'peace operation'

30 June 2025

(İK)

Zana passed away while receiving intensive care for chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. 

Following a ceremony in front of the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality, his funeral was held at Grand Mosque (Ulucamii). The funeral, accompanied by a cortege, was well-attended by community members and political leaders. He was ultimately laid to rest at Yeniköy Cemetery in Diyarbakır. 

Zana, who dedicated his life to the Kurdish movement, was sent off in a coffin adorned with flowers and wrapped in yellow, green and red — the colors of the Kurdish flag.  

Kurdish leaders pay their respects 

On social media the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party released the following statement: 

"We learned with great sadness that Mehdi Zana, one of the valuable names of the Kurdish people's struggle for freedom and democracy, has passed away. Condolences to his family, loved ones, and the Kurdish people. 

Our debt to his struggle and memory is to definitely build an honorable peace in which peoples will live equally and freely. 

We bow with respect before his memory and struggle." 

President of the Iraqi Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Nechirvan Barzani also paid his respects, referring to Zana as one of the leading figures of the Kurdish movement in Turkey. 

"He was one of the leading figures of the Kurdish political struggle in Turkey,” said Barzani. “He dedicated many years of his life to defending the rights of his people and paid great prices for this cause." 

Zana’s funeral ceremony was notably attended by DEM Party Spokesperson Ayşegül Doğan, Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality Co-Mayor Serra Bucak and many Kurdish politicians and activists, including his wife Leyla Zana, who is also a leading Kurdish political figure. She served as a deputy of the former Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP). 

At the ceremony, Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Serra Bucak spoke on Zana’s legacy. Bucak said that Zana himself is deeply ingrained in the city’s historical culture and memory. She also said that despite all of his time in prison the bond between Zana and his people never severed.  

"The legacy left by Mehdi Zana is not merely a memory belonging to the past, but a living value that guides our present and our future,” said Bucak. “Being elected is not just representing an office; it is protecting the city's memory, language, culture, and democratic politics to the very end."

"Diyarbakır will never forget you, Brother Mehdi. As long as the people's will and the struggle for freedom exist, the mark you left will continue to live on as well," Bucak said.  

(İK)

According to a statement by Northern Cyprus President Tufan Erhürman, 241 people were rescued from the ship, which capsized 4 miles from Girne at a depth of 514 meters. The President said that four of the eight victims have been identified and authorities are working to identify the remaining four.  

According to Northern Cyprus Minister of Transport Erhan Arıklı, 11 of the citizens on board were from Northern Cyprus, five were from Germany, three were from Iran, and 240 were from Turkey. 

The ship's intended final destination was Taşucu port in Mersin, Turkey. 

The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (KKTC) Council of Ministers declared a three day national mourning period to honor those who lost their lives and those who are currently missing. Additionally, the Turkish embassy in Nicosia cancelled an August 30th Victory Day celebration. 

The captain of the ship and seven crew members have been detained during an investigation.  

On the investigation, KKTC Prime Minister Ünal Üstel said the following: 

"In the investigation regarding the capsized ship, the ship's captain and 7 crew members have been detained. I state very clearly from here: Every aspect of this incident will be investigated. Even if there is the smallest negligence, it will be brought to light. Whoever has fault and responsibility, no mercy will be shown to them." 

Eyewitnesses say that after the ship took in water some passengers decided to jump into the ocean in an effort to save themselves. As of now, no findings have been reached as to why the ship took in water to begin with. 

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan held a phone call with Üstel and Erhürman, where he expressed his condolences and said that Turkey will provide full support for the search and rescue effort. According to a report from Anadolu Agency, Turkey has provided two helicopters, two boats, a diving team and two ships from the Turkish Naval Forces Command, for the search and rescue operation.  

Additionally, Turkey’s New Party leader Özgür Özel has created a seven-person delegation to investigate the accident. The delegation has already headed off to Northern Cyprus. It is led by Yeni Party Deputy Group Chairman Ali Mahir Başarır, and includes Antalya MP Aliye Coşar, Adana MP Ayhan Barut, Mersin MP Talat Dinçer, Adana MP Bilal Bilici, Mersin Provincial Chairman Cengiz Gökçel and Silifke District Chairman Zarif Korkmaz. 

On the accident, Prime Minister Üstel reaffirmed that the main priority for now is saving as many lives as possible. 

"Right now, our sole priority is human life. All institutions of our state, our security forces, our health teams, and our search-and-rescue assets are in the field in full coordination,” Üstel said. 

(EMK/İK)

Abdi is the former General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), and now serves as a presidential advisor. Ahmed is the former co-chair of the Foreign Relations Department of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), also known as Rojava. Ahmed now serves as a member of the People's Assembly of Syria.

This call comes after the integration of the Kurdish-led SDF into the Syrian army this week, marking the dissolution of the largest organized fighting force outside of Damascus’s authority. Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa has also pledged to protect Kurdish language and political rights. 

Doğan said that establishing direct contact between Turkey and Kurdish political actors in Syria will facilitate the peace process at home. She also praised Syria’s efforts to integrate SDF into the army as an important step in including Kurds in political and legal structures. 

The success of the Kurdish peace process in Turkey could have a larger positive impact throughout the region, setting Turkey as a model for the Middle East, she said. 

Doğan stressed the importance of solving Syria’s problems through politics and law rather than conflict and said that Abdi’s efforts in this regard should be taken into account. She also noted the importance of women’s involvement in political and diplomatic processes. 

INTERVIEW WITH MP CENGİZ ÇANDAR

'Turkey's peace process will gain momentum after Damascus-SDF agreement'

9 February 2026

Doğan touched on the role of civil society and addressed alleged Öcalan notes: 

Doğan stressed that the peace process should not be restricted to governing bodies alone. She requested the creation of mechanisms where different segments of society can participate in the process — specifically encouraging the involvement of civil society organizations, rights defenders, and those who have conducted work in the field. 

In the press conference, Doğan also touched on controversial meeting notes that some claimed were associated with Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Öcalan. Reaffirming that several statements already confirmed the notes were fake, Doğan suggested that journalists be allowed to meet Öcalan at İmralı Prison. She argued that direct communication would combat disinformation. 

On the peace process, Doğan said that suffering shouldn’t be categorized according to ethnicity and that “it is necessary to hear the voice of mothers.” 

Peace is a demand that unites people of all identities, and ultimately, the common goal should be that no young person loves their life due to conflict in Turkey, she said. 

(NÖ/İK)

Speaking at a finance meeting in Bodrum, Ash jokingly asked for the cameras to be cut after the statement, in reference to limited freedom of speech in Turkey. He also joked that his words might appear as a headline in the Daily Sabah newspaper. 

The prosecutor’s office launched the investigation on Ash’s statement on grounds of insulting the President pursuant to Article 299 of the Turkish Penal Code. The prosecutor’s statement did not mention which part of what Ash said specifically constituted a crime, just that it occurred at the meeting.  

Insulting the President carries a prison sentence between one and four years. If the crime is deemed to have been committed publicly, the penalty can be increased. The European Court on Human Rights (ECtHR) has criticized Article 299 on the grounds that it is incompatible with freedom of expression. 

This investigation offers a new dynamic from previous discussions on the law as Ash’s words were not chanted at a political rally or written in a newspaper, but instead at an international finance meeting attended by business people. The presentation was titled "Trading in markets during periods of geopolitical uncertainty." His words, followed by a joke, had been voiced by an economic analyst, not an activist or politician. 

Ash has been monitoring Turkey’s economy for about 25 years and serves as a senior country strategist for emerging markets in the BlueBay Fixed Income team within RBC Global Asset Management. 

In statements and reports Ash praised the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) economic reforms during the early period, but criticized their later policies. In more recent months, he has also argued that Minister of Finance Mehmet Şimşek’s economic policies and the Central Bank’s management moved Turkey away from a systemic crisis. He called the resilience of the lira and the rebuilding of reserves significant achievements. 

Ash said that tighter monetary policy is needed to combat inflation and that foreign investors are still cautious.  

Ash’s comments during the meeting did not consist solely of criticisms, but this did not stop an investigation from being opened. Whether or not that investigation will pass to the prosecution phase is determined by the Ministry of Justice.

(AEK/İK)

The hard fought victory included at least seven rounds of arrests, including multiple targeting union President Gökay Çakır and organizing specialist Başaran Aksu — whose most recent arrests were only two days ago. 

Independent Mine Workers Union President Gökay Çakır arrested again

26 August 2026

Independent Mine Workers Union lawyer Mürsel Ünder said that Çakır and Aksu played a significant role in securing the victory and that the decision to end the protest was made unanimously by workers following an evaluation meeting held at the “resistance area” in front of the ministry. 

Ünder also stressed that the victory belongs solely with the workers, rather than any administrative bodies as the three relevant ministries never gave explicit support to the workers' demands throughout the struggle. 

Police detain miners protesting over unpaid claims despite ministry-mediated deal

14 August 2026

The protest initially began on Aug. 9 after workers of Eti Gümüş silver company and Doruk Madencilik mining company, both owned by Yıldızlar SSS Holding, had not received their wages and other payables. Worker grievances eventually culminated into the 17-day action in front of the ministry, with victory declared on the 18th day. 

For many, the protest’s meaning extended beyond the specific demands of the workers and sparked a larger conversation on the right to unionize and freedom of protest generally. As such, miners were not the only ones celebrating the historic win. Several political parties, politicians, non-governmental organizations and citizens joined the victory celebration. Chants of “Victory belonged to the worker who resists” filled the area.  

The Independent Mine Workers Union has attracted significant attention over the years due to their more militant style of protest. They have engaged in protests, long-distance marches and wild cat strikes. They often criticize both the government and more pro-dialogue “yellow unions.” 

The union said that despite ending the protest following the first payment installment, legal and union initiatives will continue to ensure the payment of all receivables and the release of detained workers. 

(AEK/İK)

ECtHR: Osman Kavala must be released as soon as possible

25 August 2026

Despite being acquitted of Gezi Park charges in Feb. 2020, Kavala remained in prison, as a new charge of “espionage” was levied from the same initial investigation.  

In his statement, Kavala said that previous ECtHR rulings establish that there is no evidence of him committing any crimes. He also said that fundamental human rights and the rule of law require not restricting the rights of individuals without solid evidence that a crime was actually committed. 

A comprehensive legal summary of the ECtHR Grand Chamber’s judgment in Kavala v. Türkiye (No. 2)

25 August 2026

Kavala’s full statement:

The Grand Chamber judgment that the ECtHR delivered regarding me covers the examination of the conviction process. In this decision as well, just as in the two ECtHR decisions prior to this, it was emphasized that the right to live freely cannot be restricted without convincing concrete evidence showing that a crime has been committed. In the acquittal decision rendered in 2020 within the scope of the first Gezi trial, the fact that there was no evidence of me having committed a crime was also established. 

With its latest judgment, the ECtHR effectively stated that the understanding that courts can issue conviction decisions based on general evaluations regarding events and reasoning involving intent-reading about the purpose of activities is unacceptable. 

That the right of people who do not engage in an act deemed a crime by law to live freely cannot be restricted is a fundamental human rights principle. The protection of this right and ensuring absolute adherence to this principle in the public sphere is also the obligation of the rule of law toward citizens. 

Compliance with ECtHR judgments is primarily concerned with the fulfillment of this obligation, and is necessary for it.

(HA/İK)

Ali, who survived the operation, had arrived in Adana about 40 days ago to work and provide for his remaining family members, including an ill brother. However, it wouldn’t be long before he met the same fate as his father.

Following a heated argument between two children, one Syrian and one Turkish, Ali intervened to calm the children down. After the crowd had dispersed, the Turkish boy’s father showed up to the scrapyard twice to attack Ali, shooting him two times and ultimately killing him. Ali’s cousin Hammud El Hammud believes that racism played a role. 

According to El Hammud, Ali was loading scrap metal into the back of a pickup truck parked in front of the metal yard when he saw two children arguing. A 5-year-old Syrian boy was wearing a t-shirt with the Syrian flag on it and an older 15-year-old boy from Turkey demanded the 5-year-old take his shirt off. 

Ali's cousin’s El Hammud said the following to Bianet: 

Ali and another child he worked with intervened and tried to calm the Turkish child down. The parties left the scene; Ali and his friend continued working. A short time later, the Turkish child along with his mother and father came to the scrap yard and assaulted Ali and the other child. Neighborhood residents intervened and calmed the family down. However, after a while, the father, coming back again in a white car, fired two shots toward Ali, who was loading scrap on top of the pickup truck. Ali was shot in his waist and leg. Taken to the hospital, Ali could not be saved despite all medical intervention.

Adana Provincial Police Department said they are still working to capture the perpetrator, who fled the scene. However, the case’s lawyer said the police have obtained a photo of the shooter.  

Ali crossed into Turkey from the Akçakale Border Gate before finding work at the scrapyard and sending money to his mother, ill brother and two sisters aged 8 and 10-years-old respectively. 

El Hammud said that they had experienced some threats, but that the family would not give up on pursuing justice. He said: 

They sent word. They reportedly said, 'Let them send the child's body to Syria and withdraw their complaint as well. Otherwise we will kill everyone.' The state must look into this incident. The child had just come to work. Just because two children fought, why did they kill him? We will not give up until justice is served. His mother and siblings are devastated.

(FY/İK)

The heart attack took place after a particularly tense meeting with the prison’s Administrative and Monitoring Board this week, where they delayed the prisoner’s release for the fourth time — now for another three months. Yıldırım accused the board of attempting to execute a de-facto death penalty through the delay.

After the meeting, Yıldırım returned to his cell and had a heart attack.

Seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım suffers heart attack

26 August 2026

Based on these events, Eren requested an investigation on whether there was a connection between the practices held in the board meeting and the heart attack. Additionally, the MP asked for clarification on what criteria the board uses to decide releases and what prevents it from acting like "parallel courts.”

The inquiry also asked about the alleged attempt to handcuff Yıldırım to his hospital bed.

Yıldırım suffers from heart disease, hypertension, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, arteriosclerosis, a cervical disc hernia, lung problems and has difficulty speaking, which obstruct his daily activities.

He was sent to İzmir City Hospital after his recent heart attack where they placed two stents on his heart. Yıldırım’s lawyer reported that he is now in good condition.

Yıldırım’s advocates have argued that he will not be able to receive the regular treatment his health conditions require while inside prison. Meanwhile, the board has justified Yıldırım’s continued detention on account of a lack of “good behavior” and “remorse” over his actions. 

(VC/İK)

Following the public backlash, the Aydın Chief Public Prosecutor's Office initiated an investigation on charges of "publicly disseminating misleading information," regulated under Article 217/A of the Turkish Penal Code. 

According to ANKA News Agency, the four journalists taken by the police were the newspaper's representative Emin Aydın, Managing Editor Yeşim Ülker, reporter İslam Keleş, and İrem Delice.  

Following procedures at the police station the four journalists were brought to Aydın Courthouse and released on condition of judicial control.

(HA/İK)

Emir Karakum was one of these activists and still remains in detention to this day. He is currently being held in Silivri Prison. Karakum alleges that he was detained as a result of his participation in the "Summit of the People's Unity" held in Barcelona, Spain, prior to the NATO summit. He described the detentions as an “an anti-imperialist hunt.”

Karakum’s letter outlines the conditions faced by many of the anti-NATO activists arrested in the scope of the same investigation, including details on their health, separation from their families and the human rights violations they have endured in prison. 

The letter:

“I am writing this letter on the 53rd day of our arrest. As NATO prisoners, our captivity continues. In June, an anti-imperialist hunt had started on the grounds that NATO, the murderer of the world's peoples, was coming to Ankara on July 7–8. 

We were detained on June 22 and arrested on June 26 together with many of our anti-imperialist friends. As I write these lines from Silivri Prison, we received bad news today. 

The father of our friend Hüseyin Kütük, who we were arrested together with, passed away from cancer. His father had come from Antep to Istanbul to receive treatment by his son's side. He had not been able to see his son in a long time, nor the son, his father. 

Hüseyin Kütük, who was detained right beside his father on June 23, was subsequently arrested on June 26 due to the NATO investigation. Now the button has been pressed. The government would not leave any anti-imperialist free whenever possible. 

Hüseyin could not attend his father's funeral; the reason is the criminal Criminal Judgeships of Peace acting under the direction of the government. 

** 

Let me mention another friend of mine who is a NATO detainee. Dursun Göktaş from Bakırköy Closed Women's Prison. She had dedicated her years to the struggle, and had contracted cancer during this struggle process. When she was about to recover, political operations would not allow her. 

While on the outside, even when it was difficult, she had gotten her hospital affairs on track. As you know, while you’re in this health system, especially if you have cancer, finding treatment and means is difficult. She had overcome these difficulties and gotten things in order, only for the government to arrest Dursun Göktaş thinking, "The more detentions, the more praise from Trump." 

**

Let me mention another NATO detainee, our Mother Nagihan. She had gone to Silivri 7–8 months ago to see her daughter, a Grup Yorum worker. On the way back, the bus crashed from hitting the barriers. Mother Nagihan broke her hip bone in this accident, undergoing a treatment process while unable to leave the house for 4–5 months. Before the process was over, she was arrested due to the NATO investigation. 

Why was Mother Nagihan arrested? Because she had embraced not only her children, but all political prisoners. 

Her example would not please imperialism, so what would happen was obvious. Just because NATO was coming, just to serve as a deterrent example, Mother Nagihan was going to be arrested. 

**

I would like to mention another NATO detainee, Selda Özçelik, who is held in Bakırköy. 

I don't know, do you have any friends from Antakya? The love of their homeland I have seen from every person from Antakya is endless. And Selda Özçelik's love for Antakya is something else entirely. When Antakya is mentioned, her eyes sparkle. Especially when she goes from Istanbul to Antakya, to her hometown, upon return she is completely different. 

She rejoices as if you gave her the whole world. If you wonder why she is in Istanbul despite so much love [for Anktakya], the Arab girl who left her homeland to come here is here because she loves her people so much.  

The government, saying "So you are the one who leaves her beautiful homeland and goes to Istanbul? In that case, we need to increase the numbers," was thinking — the more anti-imperialists, the more colonial continuation of the government. 

On Thursday, August 6, Selda Özçelik began an indefinite hunger strike in order to support her friends in Silivri No. 6 Prison who have been resisting for over 100 days for the removal of cameras monitoring prisoners in common areas from their toilets to where they eat and drink. 

**

Another NATO detainee is Ümit Çobanoğlu, Bianet has given space to his cartoons on well-type prisons many times. Çobanoğlu had drawn hundreds of cartoons exposing the policies of imperialism. 

NATO is coming so keeping someone so opposed to imperialism outside could disturb Trump's comfort. So as not to disturb Trump’s comfort, Ümit Çobanoğlu was arrested.

**

Another NATO captive, Doğan İncesu, was serving as the lawyer for the 29 workers who were killed by a fire in Gayrettepe. İncesu was the lawyer of all the oppressed. He was the lawyer of his client Gürkan Türkoğlu, who went on a hunger strike for 266 days against well-type prisons. He worked wholeheartedly to keep Gürkan alive. Unfortunately, silence caused Gürkan's murder. If American-style well-type prisons are on everyone's tongue today, this was thanks to Doğan İncesu working wholeheartedly. 

He was not a lawyer who was a role model for imperialism. Naturally, a lawyer had to be added to the anti-imperialist net, and lawyer Doğan İncesu was arrested as well. 

Now you all will ask what he is doing in prison. He continues to serve as the lawyer for the oppressed. Because he comes from the tradition of those who say, "Even if a lawyer dies, they seek rights in the grave." 

**

Due to the fact that the second month of our arrest will be ending next week, we will appear before the Criminal Judgeship of Peace. We will not present a defense to these courts that we do not regard as independent. 

Dear Bianet, not only for us as NATO captives, but all political prisoners are subjected to rights violations in prisons. 

We are being arrested with conspiracy files. We cannot be by our families' side during their most difficult days. Not only us, but our families are also being punished. As socialist captives, whatever the conditions may be, we continue to produce and to nurture hope in prisons. 

I will send a picture related to the investigation under which we were arrested. They put the NATO summit that will be organized in Spain into the investigation file. No care whatsoever was shown while preparing a conspiracy investigation. The police prepared it by saying "Cut, copy, paste," thinking "In any case, Criminal Judgeships of Peace don't look at the content." 

All of these are the crimes of the government."

(HA/İK)

The organizations also requested that Council of Europe member states explicitly and clearly demand Turkey comply with the ECtHR decision and immediately release Kavala. Member states should make Kavala’s case a priority agenda item when dealing with Turkey, they said. 

ECtHR: Osman Kavala must be released as soon as possible

25 August 2026

Director of Amnesty International's European Institutions Office Eve Geddie said the following: “Türkiye has defied two previous binding rulings from the Court in his case. This obstruction of justice must end. Türkiye’s authorities, including judicial and prosecutorial, must act to free Osman Kavala immediately and unconditionally.”

The joint statement emphasized the Court’s finding that Kavala’s trial and subsequent detention is politically motivated, and thus Turkey has a responsibility to overturn the convictions against him.

“Europe’s highest human rights court has confirmed beyond doubt that Kavala’s arrest, detention, prosecution and conviction as part of the Gezi trial was politically motivated and completely flawed from start to finish,” TLSP Director Ayşe Bingöl Demir said.

The statement also noted that Turkey was among one of the first states to join the Council of Europe and become party to the Convention. This means that Turkey has already agreed to protect the rights it enshrines and implement the binding judgements of the Court. 

Osman Kavala marks seven years in prison

1 November 2024

Yesterday's ruling was the ECtHR’s third on the Kavala case. In the Court’s initial Dec. 2019 ruling, it found that Kavala’s detention was in violation of his right to liberty and silenced him as a human rights defender. A subsequent July 2022 ruling found that Turkey had not fulfilled its obligations based on the binding 2019 decision.   

“Osman Kavala has been unlawfully imprisoned for nearly nine years,” said HRW senior legal advisor Aisling Reidy. 

“The European Court has now demanded his immediate release three times. It is vital that the Council of Europe and its member states act to ensure that the Court’s judgments are respected and that Osman Kavala – finally – is freed.”

(FY/İK)

The 75-year-old Kurdish prisoner has served over 33 years in prison after being convicted of membership in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). He has been eligible for conditional release since Feb 27, 2025, but the board has postponed his release four times, with the most recent being yesterday for another three months. 

Release of seriously ill prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım postponed for third time

16 December 2025

The board has consistently argued that Yıldırım has not demonstrated sufficient “remorse” over his actions and lacks “good behavior.”  

Upon the heart attack, Yıldırım was first taken to a hospital in Buca, but, because there was no prisoner ward there, transferred to İzmir City Hospital, where had an angiography and two stents placed in his heart. 

According to Yıldırım’s lawyer Ali İhsan Güven, Yıldırım is currently in good health and expected to be discharged today. One of the main arteries leading to his heart was blocked, meaning Yıldırım survived a potentially life threatening emergency. 

In July, Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party spokesperson and Şırnak MP Ayşegül Doğan raised the issue to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) Human Rights Investigation Commission. She requested an examination by authorities on Yıldırım's health condition and the enforcement of his sentence in relation to his rights to life and health. 

MP seeks release of seriously ill Kurdish prisoner Mehmet Sait Yıldırım after two delays

29 July 2026

According to Doğan’s application, Yıldırım suffers from not just heart disease, but also hypertension, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, arteriosclerosis, a cervical disc hernia, lung problems and even difficulty speaking — all of which impair his ability to carry out daily activities and cannot be regularly treated in prison.  

According to Güven, Yıldırım said the following during the board meeting: “The DGM [State Security Court] had given me the death penalty. It was converted from execution to life imprisonment. You, as a board, want to execute the death penalty given by the DGM. Be brave, erect a gallows here in the morning, execute me." 

(VC/İK)

From August 10 to August 25, police have conducted seven rounds of arrests targeting the independent union’s representatives and miners, making this far from Çakır and Aksu’s first arrest. The two were also detained two weeks ago at protests outside the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources in Ankara, marking Çakır’s fourth arrest in six days at the time. The workers were protesting unpaid wages and unfair compensation at mines owned by Yıldızlar SSS Holding.

This most recent round of arrests took place on the 16th day of that protest outside the ministry.

Police detain miners protesting over unpaid claims despite ministry-mediated deal

14 August 2026

Çakır was arrested on charges of “inciting the public to hatred and hostility” and will make his statement at the Soma Courthouse today at 2pm under the instruction of the Ankara Prosecutor's Office.  

Over the years, the Independent Mine Workers Union has become known for a more militant style of protest, characterized by wildcat strikes, hunger strikes and long-distance marches. They often contrast this to more pro-dialogue yellow unions. The union is often directly critical of major corporations and the Turkish government.

Doruk Madencilik miners resume protest after not getting paid despite guarantees

1 June 2026

In their statement, the independent union said that these arrests were intended to suppress their resistance on behalf of large holding companies. They emphasized that the arrests would not stop them, but rather only strengthen their resolve.  

Independent Mine Workers Union Statement: 

Our General President Gökay Çakır was detained in Soma! Right after our union executive, our union organizing specialist Başaran Aksu, and two of our members were detained from in front of the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources, which is the resistance area, during our resistance completing its 16th day in Ankara, our General President Gökay Çakır, who is located in Soma, was also detained from the Union Headquarters with an instruction "coming from Ankara

Our General President, who was detained with the accusation of inciting the public to hatred and hostility, will be held in custody tonight by showing our union's social media posts as a justification, and his statement will be taken at the Soma Courthouse by the Ankara prosecutor's office tomorrow at 14.00.

It is clear from whom those who had the General President of the resisting workers detained by sending an instruction from Ankara to Soma, and who are trying to suppress the resistance with pressure and detentions, received the instruction. These acts done with the instruction of Holdings cannot intimidate us, they only enlarge our determination to struggle.

There is no need to pretend as if there are syndical rights and freedom in this country! The entire public, unions, non-governmental organizations, and our people are aware of the facts. We will not surrender to this aggressive attitude assumed against resisting. We invite all institutions, particularly the unions, to solidarity. Combative unionism is not a crime, the crime is to rob the public hand in hand with Holdings. We will stand against it!

(EMK/İK)

Kocaelispor fans raised yellow plastic bags in an effort to intimidate Kurdish Amedspor players and supporters. The yellow bags in question were meant to symbolize yellow body bags often used to hold the remains of deceased Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) members. References to “yellow bags” have become an increasingly popular expression used to make threats against politicians, journalists and Kurds, generally.

Five Kocaelispor supporters were placed under house arrest after being referred to the court following an investigation by the Kocaeli Public Prosecutor's Office. The charges included "inciting the public to hatred and hostility" and "chanting containing threats or insults."   

Kurdish club Amedspor promoted to Süper Lig

2 May 2026

Amedspor, based in Diyarbakır, has become a symbol representing Kurds in the football world, winning support from fans both in Turkey and abroad. Some even refer to the club as the unofficial Kurdish national team. Their historic promotion to Turkey’s first league, the Süper Lig, this season has drawn the ire of Turkish nationalists, who accuse the club of supporting terrorism.  

Amedspor fined over Kurdish-language chest sponsor tagline

30 September 2025

The incident marked yet another one of the unique obstacles faced by the Amedspor team due to their position as a representative of the Kurdish people. Amedspor players and fans often endure racist harassment by opposing team supporters. The club has also received fines and bans from the Turkish Football Federation over actions such as displaying Kurdish-language sponsors on their uniforms and social media posts featuring braided hair, a form of protest over the killings of Kurdish women fighters in Syria. 

Police confront Amedspor player after confusing Senegal flag with PKK colors

4 May 2026

Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chair Devlet Bahçeli even praised racist attacks from Bursaspor fans on the Amedspor team in 2023.

(İK)

The judgment, concerning application no. 2170/24, involves a different legal examination from the ECtHR’s two earlier rulings concerning Kavala. This time, the Grand Chamber did not confine itself to whether those previous judgments had been executed. It directly examined the fairness of the criminal proceedings that resulted in Kavala’s conviction, the interference with his freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly, the lawfulness of his deprivation of liberty after 2019 and the nature of his aggravated life sentence.

By 15 votes to 2, the Grand Chamber found violations of:

• Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which protects freedom of expression;
• Article 11, which protects freedom of peaceful assembly;
• Article 6 § 1, concerning the right to a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal;
• Article 5 § 1, concerning the right to liberty and security;
• Article 18, which prohibits restrictions on Convention rights from being applied for purposes other than those prescribed, taken together with Articles 5 § 1, 6 § 1, 10 and 11;
• Article 3, because the aggravated life sentence offered no prospect of conditional release and no mechanism for reviewing whether continued imprisonment remained justified.

As a Grand Chamber judgment, the ruling is final. The court held that Turkey must secure Kavala’s release “at the earliest possible date,” eliminate all consequences of his conviction and take both individual and general measures to prevent similar violations. It also stated that the conviction should be regarded as “null and void” from the perspective of Convention law.

The domestic proceedings

Kavala has been continuously deprived of his liberty since Oct. 18, 2017.

He was initially suspected of attempting to overthrow the government by force and violence in connection with the Gezi Park events, under Article 312 of the Turkish Criminal Code, and of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order in connection with the July 15 coup attempt, under Article 309.

On Feb. 18, 2020, the İstanbul 30th Assize Court acquitted Kavala and eight co-defendants in the Gezi Park trial and ordered his release. The court found that the intercepted telephone conversations were not legally admissible evidence, that the report by the Financial Crimes Investigation Board, or MASAK, did not substantiate the allegation that Kavala had financed the protests, and that there was insufficient concrete and conclusive evidence to convict him.

The release order did not result in Kavala’s actual release. He was taken into police custody on the same day and placed in pre-trial detention the following day under Article 309. On March 9, 2020, he was again placed in pre-trial detention, this time on a charge of political or military espionage under Article 328.

The acquittal was set aside by the İstanbul Regional Court of Appeal on Jan. 22, 2021. After a succession of decisions joining, severing and transferring proceedings between different assize courts, the İstanbul 13th Assize Court convicted Kavala under Article 312 on April 25, 2022, and sentenced him to aggravated life imprisonment. It acquitted him of espionage.

The conviction was upheld by the İstanbul Regional Court of Appeal on Dec. 28, 2022, and by the Court of Cassation on Sept. 28, 2023.

Kavala’s complaints and the government’s response

Before the ECtHR, Kavala argued that:

• his deprivation of liberty had been arbitrarily continued after the 2019 judgment;
• the same facts had repeatedly been used under different criminal classifications;
• activities protected by the Convention had been treated as evidence of serious crimes;
• his conviction had no foreseeable legal basis;
• he had not been tried by an independent and impartial tribunal;
• important defense witnesses had not been heard and central defense arguments had not been effectively examined;
• the aggravated life sentence provided no prospect of release or review;
• the investigation, continued pre-trial detention and conviction had been used to punish and silence him.

The government first argued that the application was premature because two individual applications lodged by Kavala were still pending before Turkey’s Constitutional Court.

On the merits, the government maintained that Kavala had not been prosecuted for peaceful civil society work, but for allegedly organizing, directing and financing the Gezi Park events and for his purported connection with the violence that occurred during the protests. It argued that Article 312 was clear and foreseeable, that the domestic courts had lawfully assessed the evidence, that the case had been heard by independent and impartial courts, and that his deprivation of liberty following conviction was based on a judgment delivered by a competent court.

Kavala was not required to wait for the Constitutional Court

Under Article 35 § 1 of the Convention, applicants must normally exhaust available and effective domestic remedies before applying to the ECtHR. The rule is intended to give national authorities the first opportunity to prevent or remedy an alleged violation.

The Grand Chamber reaffirmed that an individual application to Turkey’s Constitutional Court remains, in principle, an effective domestic remedy. The judgment therefore does not establish that the Constitutional Court procedure is generally ineffective.

However, the ECtHR considered the exceptional circumstances of Kavala’s case:

• He had been continuously deprived of his liberty for more than eight and a half years.
• He had consistently and diligently used the available ordinary and extraordinary remedies.
• The binding ECtHR judgments of 2019 and 2022 had not been implemented.
• The domestic acquittal and release order had produced no practical result.
• His Constitutional Court application of June 9, 2022, had remained pending for more than four years.
• His second application, filed on Oct. 24, 2023, had remained pending for more than two years and nine months.
• The first application had been placed on the Constitutional Court’s plenary agenda on July 25, 2023, but its examination had immediately been adjourned.

The Grand Chamber found that these delays were manifestly excessive in the particular context of the case, in which individual liberty was at stake and binding ECtHR judgments remained unexecuted.

The Constitutional Court’s “procedural inertia,” it held, had reduced the protection available at the domestic level to a theoretical and illusory right, offering at best an uncertain prospect of redress and no reasonable prospect of a timely examination.

Kavala therefore could not be criticized for applying to Strasbourg without waiting for those proceedings to conclude. The Grand Chamber expressly limited this finding to the particular circumstances of the case and did not call into question the general effectiveness of individual applications to the Constitutional Court.

The ECtHR also referred to the refusal of lower criminal courts to execute Constitutional Court judgments concerning Şerafettin Can Atalay and Tayfun Kahraman. It stressed that implementation is an indivisible part of the right of individual application, and that rendering binding Constitutional Court judgments ineffective has serious consequences for the rule of law, legal certainty and the judicial protection of fundamental rights.

By contrast, the complaint that the criminal proceedings as a whole had lasted an unreasonably long time was declared inadmissible. The ECtHR found that amendments adopted in 2024 had introduced a direct application to the Compensation Commission and that Kavala was required to use that remedy for his reasonable-time complaint.

Lawful civil society work cannot be treated as the element of a grave offense

The ECtHR examined Articles 10 and 11, concerning freedom of expression and freedom of peaceful assembly, together.

The Grand Chamber found that a substantial part of the conduct attributed to Kavala consisted of:

• participating in public debate;
• supporting civil society initiatives;
• facilitating meetings;
• documenting alleged human rights violations;
• disseminating information and opinions on matters of public interest;
• meeting academics, journalists, diplomats and international organizations;
• criticizing the use and export of tear gas;
• organizing cultural events and documentary projects;
• providing material, logistical or intellectual support for peaceful demonstrations.

By their nature, the court said, these activities fell within the protection of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

The Grand Chamber emphasized the particular role of human rights defenders and civil society organizations in a democratic society. An NGO working on matters of public interest performs a “public watchdog” function comparable in importance to that of the press and is therefore entitled to similar protection.

The government argued that the violence occurring during the Gezi Park events placed Kavala’s activities outside the protection of the Convention. The court rejected this argument.

Under the ECtHR’s case law, an individual does not lose the protection of the right to peaceful assembly merely because other people commit sporadic acts of violence during a demonstration, provided that the individual remains peaceful in their own intentions and conduct.

The domestic courts had not established that Kavala had personally participated in violence, incited violence or accommodated himself to violent acts.

Article 312 was extended in an unforeseeable manner

Article 312 of the Criminal Code requires an attempt to overthrow the government, or prevent it from performing its functions, through force and violence.

The domestic courts, however, did not establish that Kavala:

• personally committed an act of violence;
• gave an order or instruction to use violence;
• called for violence;
• had a direct causal connection to any specific violent incident.

Instead, the conviction was based on the assumption that Kavala had played a “strategic,” “structuring” or decisive role in planning, organizing and directing the Gezi Park movement. Acts of violence committed by third parties were indirectly attributed to him without proof of a direct or intentional link.

According to the Grand Chamber, the domestic courts replaced an examination of Kavala’s individual criminal responsibility with a global assessment of his civil society work and the Gezi Park events as a whole.

Activities that were not in themselves criminal and were protected by the Convention were treated as constituting the material element of an exceptionally serious offense punishable by aggravated life imprisonment.

The domestic courts’ reliance on case law from military interventions and armed contexts to assess a civilian’s conduct in relation to demonstrations and civil society work was also unforeseeable, the Grand Chamber found.

The ECtHR placed particular weight on the absence of any causal connection between the violence that occurred during the Gezi Park events and the acts personally attributed to Kavala. The national authorities had not established, or even attempted to establish, such a connection.

Article 312 had therefore been applied to Kavala in a manner that unforeseeably extended its scope and failed to provide the minimum protection required against arbitrary interference. The interference with his rights could not be regarded as “prescribed by law” under Articles 10 and 11.

Having reached that conclusion, the Grand Chamber did not consider it necessary to examine separately whether the interference pursued a legitimate aim or was necessary in a democratic society. It found violations of Articles 10 and 11.

A chilling effect on civil society

The ECtHR found that exposing people who provide logistical, financial or intellectual support for peaceful protests to the possibility of aggravated life imprisonment would have a chilling effect not only on human rights defenders and civil society groups, but on all citizens wishing to participate in public debate or peaceful demonstrations.

The approach taken by the domestic courts created a risk that limited violence on the margins of a protest could later be attributed to an entire social movement and those who supported it. The Grand Chamber found that such a result was incompatible with the pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness that characterize a democratic society.

The proceedings as a whole were unfair

The ECtHR considered Kavala’s fair-trial complaints by examining the proceedings as a whole and the cumulative effect of the shortcomings it identified.

The Grand Chamber recalled that it does not act as a court of fourth instance and does not ordinarily replace the domestic courts’ assessment of evidence with its own.

However, where criminal law is applied in a manifestly arbitrary manner, decisive defense arguments are left unanswered and the outcome becomes manifestly unreasonable, the issue is no longer merely one of interpreting domestic law. It falls within the scope of Article 6.

Defects identified in 2019 were never remedied

In its 2019 judgment, the ECtHR had found the accusations against Kavala manifestly implausible and held that there had been no reasonable suspicion justifying his detention.

At the trial stage, the domestic courts were therefore required to demonstrate that those initial defects had been remedied by new, solid and probative evidence. They needed to explain concretely how Kavala’s conduct had caused, encouraged or made possible the violence in question.

The Grand Chamber found that they had failed to do so:

• The core allegations remained unchanged.
• No new and decisive evidence was produced.
• No concrete link was established between Kavala’s activities and acts of violence.
• The element of force and violence required by the offense was not individualized.
• It was not demonstrated that Kavala had intended to overthrow the government by force and violence.

The Feb. 18, 2020 acquittal had found that the telephone interceptions were not legally admissible, that the MASAK report did not support the financing allegation and that there was no sufficient, concrete and conclusive evidence for a conviction.

The later judgments convicting Kavala did not present new evidence or persuasive legal reasoning capable of overcoming those findings.

Defense witnesses were rejected on stereotyped grounds

Kavala’s lawyers asked the İstanbul 13th Assize Court to hear two former ministers who had been in office during the Gezi Park events. The defense argued that they could clarify the nature of Kavala’s contacts with public authorities and the dialogue conducted during the protests.

The court dismissed the request on the general ground that hearing the witnesses would “add nothing” to the proceedings. The Regional Court of Appeal and Court of Cassation did not effectively address this central defense complaint.

The Grand Chamber found that the refusal to hear important defense witnesses had been justified in a stereotyped manner and was not offset by adequate procedural safeguards or effective appellate review.

The burden of proof was effectively shifted to Kavala

The ECtHR found that the conviction rested largely on contextual and insufficiently individualized inferences rather than concrete acts personally attributable to Kavala.

Instead of requiring the authorities to establish the material and mental elements of the offense beyond reasonable doubt, the proceedings effectively placed the burden on Kavala to refute broad assumptions and the prosecution’s general narrative.

All violence during the Gezi Park events was attributed to him, even though the people accused of direct involvement in violence in other proceedings had been acquitted. The ECtHR also criticized the domestic court’s analogy with the deployment of tanks during the military-led Feb. 28, 1997 process, which concerned an entirely different military and political context.

The Grand Chamber concluded that criminal law had been interpreted arbitrarily and unforeseeably to Kavala’s detriment, producing a manifestly unreasonable outcome.

Legitimate doubts over the courts’ independence and impartiality

In examining independence and impartiality, the ECtHR considered not only whether individual judges had demonstrated personal bias, but also whether the proceedings could give an objective observer legitimate grounds for doubt.

The Grand Chamber highlighted several factors:

• A disciplinary investigation was opened by the Council of Judges and Prosecutors against the three judges who acquitted Kavala and ordered his release, one day after the decision.
• The case was repeatedly transferred between different assize courts.
• Proceedings were joined, severed and reassigned on several occasions.
• A judge with previous close links to the ruling party participated at the decisive stage of the trial.
• Senior state officials made public statements portraying Kavala as guilty before the proceedings had concluded.
• Essential defense arguments were not adequately examined.
• The case unfolded against a broader background of structural problems relating to the appointment, transfer and discipline of judges.

The fact that no disciplinary sanction had ultimately been imposed on the judges who acquitted Kavala did not alter the ECtHR’s assessment. Opening the investigation immediately after the acquittal was, by its nature, capable of exerting a deterrent pressure on those judges and, more broadly, undermining judicial independence in the later proceedings.

The Grand Chamber did not conclude that the entire Turkish judiciary acted under instructions from the executive. It nevertheless found that the case-specific circumstances, public statements by senior officials and wider structural conditions gave rise to objectively justified and legitimate doubts about the independence and impartiality of the courts that examined Kavala’s case.

The shortcomings were not isolated procedural errors. Taken together, they affected both the fairness of the proceedings and the guarantees of judicial independence and impartiality, fundamentally impairing the very essence of Kavala’s right to a fair trial.

The ECtHR therefore found a violation of Article 6 § 1.

The entire period of deprivation of liberty since 2019 was unlawful

For its examination under Article 5 § 1, the Grand Chamber divided the period following its first judgment into two stages:

1. Kavala’s pre-trial detention between Dec. 10, 2019, and April 25, 2022;
2. his deprivation of liberty following the first-instance conviction of April 25, 2022.

This distinction follows the autonomous meaning of terms under the Convention. Even before a conviction becomes final under domestic law, detention following a first-instance conviction is assessed by the ECtHR under Article 5 § 1 (a), concerning detention “after conviction.”

The pre-trial detention between 2019 and 2022 was arbitrary

The Grand Chamber found that after the 2019 judgment, the same evidence had been used under different criminal classifications without the addition of any substantially new facts.

Orders for release, or release in connection with particular accusations, had been deprived of practical effect by new arrest and detention measures based on other charges.

According to the court, the domestic authorities:

• failed to demonstrate a strong suspicion that Kavala had committed an offense;
• failed to provide relevant and sufficient reasons for continuing the detention;
• did not properly consider alternatives such as judicial supervision;
• continued to rely on evidence that the ECtHR had already found insufficient.

The Grand Chamber found that the authorities had sought to circumvent the requirements of both domestic law and the Convention in order to keep Kavala in detention, and had acted in bad faith.

His pre-trial detention between Dec. 10, 2019, and April 25, 2022, was therefore arbitrary and violated Article 5 § 1.

The detention following conviction also lacked a lawful basis

As a general rule, the deprivation of liberty following a conviction by a competent court is permitted under Article 5 § 1 (a).

However, where a conviction results from proceedings amounting to a “flagrant denial of justice,” it cannot provide a valid basis for detention under the Convention.

This is an exceptionally high threshold. It is not met by every procedural defect or erroneous interpretation of domestic law. The unfairness must be so serious that it negates or destroys the very essence of the right to a fair trial.

The Grand Chamber held that this threshold had been reached in Kavala’s case. His conviction followed proceedings in which:

• the elements of the offense were not individualized;
• activities protected by the Convention were treated as evidence of criminal conduct;
• the criminal provision was extended in an unforeseeable manner;
• defense rights were rendered ineffective;
• guarantees of independence and impartiality were seriously undermined.

Kavala’s deprivation of liberty after April 25, 2022, could therefore not be regarded as lawful under Article 5 § 1 (a).

The ECtHR concluded that the entire period of Kavala’s deprivation of liberty from Dec. 10, 2019, until the date of the new judgment was incompatible with Article 5 § 1.

The proceedings and conviction pursued an ulterior purpose

Article 18 of the Convention prohibits restrictions permitted under the Convention from being applied for purposes other than those for which they were prescribed.

Article 18 does not operate independently. It is examined together with another Convention right. In this case, the Grand Chamber applied it not only in conjunction with the rights to liberty, expression and peaceful assembly, but also with the right to a fair trial.

The ECtHR held that judicial proceedings must never be used for an ulterior purpose that undermines the guarantees of Article 6.

No direct written instruction was required

The Grand Chamber noted that an ulterior purpose cannot always be demonstrated through a written instruction, an explicit order or one direct piece of evidence. Case-specific facts, the sequence of measures and the broader context may be assessed together.

The existence of an ulterior purpose nevertheless had to be established beyond reasonable doubt.

The court considered, among other factors:

• the failure to remedy the absence of reasonable suspicion identified in 2019;
• the repeated use of the same facts under different criminal classifications;
• the neutralization of acquittal and release decisions;
• the failure to execute binding ECtHR judgments;
• the failure to establish the material and mental elements of the offense;
• the use of protected civil society activity as incriminating evidence;
• serious doubts about the independence and impartiality of the courts;
• accusatory public statements by senior state officials;
• Kavala’s exceptionally prolonged, uninterrupted deprivation of liberty;
• the imposition of aggravated life imprisonment without establishing his personal involvement in violence.

The ECtHR found that Kavala’s case could not be regarded as an isolated incident. It had to be viewed in the wider context of political opponents, human rights defenders and journalists being detained and prosecuted on the basis of criminal accusations whose scope had been extensively interpreted or artificially magnified.

The Grand Chamber did not find that the Turkish judiciary as a whole lacked independence or that the domestic courts had acted under direct instructions from the executive. It also said that public statements by senior officials could not, on their own, establish an ulterior purpose.

Taken together, however, the circumstances demonstrated that the criminal proceedings had moved away from the stated purpose of addressing violence.

Kavala’s contacts with journalists, academics, civil society organizations, diplomats and international institutions, along with his participation in public debate and human rights work, had been placed at the center of the conviction.

The ECtHR found that the prosecution, continued pre-trial detention and conviction were predominantly motivated by an ulterior purpose: to punish Kavala for his role in the Gezi Park demonstrations and for expressing his opinions as a human rights defender, and to silence him.

This was not merely an incidental consequence of the measures. It was their predominant purpose.

The Grand Chamber therefore found a violation of Article 18 taken together with Articles 5 § 1, 6 § 1, 10 and 11.

An aggravated life sentence with no prospect of review

The ECtHR also examined Kavala’s aggravated life sentence under Article 3, which prohibits torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.

A life sentence is not in itself incompatible with the Convention. It must, however, offer a genuine prospect of release and provide a mechanism for reviewing whether continued imprisonment remains justified in light of:

• changes in the prisoner’s personal circumstances;
• progress toward rehabilitation;
• whether the prisoner continues to pose a danger to society.

Under Turkish law, no conditional release is available for the offense of which Kavala was convicted. Nor is there a mechanism allowing the sentence to be reviewed later on the basis of an individualized assessment.

The Grand Chamber reiterated that the incompatibility of an irreducible life sentence with Article 3 arises when the sentence is imposed, not only after the prisoner has served a particular number of years.

It therefore found that Kavala’s aggravated life sentence, with no possibility of conditional release or review, violated Article 3.

The government argued that Kavala had not raised this particular complaint before the Constitutional Court and had therefore failed to exhaust domestic remedies.

The ECtHR rejected the objection. It noted that the government had not provided any example in which the Constitutional Court had examined the merits of a similar complaint and offered effective redress. It also took into account that the irreducible nature of the sentence arose directly from the legislation in force.

Which complaints were not examined separately?

Kavala had also complained that:

• the exceptional length of his deprivation of liberty and prolonged uncertainty had caused suffering reaching the threshold of Article 3;
• the Constitutional Court had failed to examine his challenges to pre-trial detention speedily, in violation of Article 5 § 4;
• statements by senior officials and a series broadcast by a public television platform had violated the presumption of innocence under Article 6 § 2;
• the unforeseeable application of Article 312 had violated Article 7, which protects the principle that there can be no punishment without law.

The Grand Chamber did not find that these provisions had not been violated. Rather, it held that the relevant issues had already been sufficiently addressed in its findings under Articles 5 § 1, 6 § 1, 10, 11 and 18. It therefore found no need to examine separately the admissibility and merits of those complaints.

In particular, the outcome under Article 7 was not “no violation,” but “no need to examine separately.”

That conclusion was adopted unanimously. By contrast, the complaint concerning the overall length of the criminal proceedings under Article 6 § 1 was declared inadmissible by a majority because the remedy before the Compensation Commission had not been exhausted.

Turkey must release Kavala

Under Article 46 of the Convention, states are legally bound to comply with final ECtHR judgments. Their execution is supervised by the Committee of Ministers.

The Grand Chamber recalled that a state is not discharged from its obligations merely by paying compensation. It must also take individual and, when necessary, general measures to end the violation and remedy its consequences as far as possible.

Release at the earliest possible date

The ECtHR found that continuing to imprison Kavala after the delivery of the new judgment would amount to a continuation of the violations, particularly the violation of Article 5 § 1.

It therefore held that the respondent state must secure Kavala’s release at the earliest possible date.

This obligation appears not only in the court’s reasoning but also in the operative provisions of the judgment.

The question left to Turkey is therefore not whether Kavala should be released, but which domestic procedure will be used to implement that binding result.

The consequences of the conviction must be eliminated

The ECtHR stated that Kavala’s criminal conviction should be regarded as null and void from the perspective of Convention law.

The ECtHR does not itself quash domestic judgments as an appellate court and did not directly enter an acquittal. It did, however, specify the result the respondent state must achieve:

• Kavala must be released.
• The legal and practical consequences of the conviction must be eliminated.
• Effective redress must be provided for the violations.
• The domestic mechanism for reopening proceedings must be used in a manner capable of producing those results.

Given the nature of the violations, the Grand Chamber left Turkey no discretion over whether those consequences must be achieved.

The problem extends beyond Kavala’s case

The Grand Chamber described the case as a particularly significant illustration of a problem that was systemic in nature.

The court connected that problem with the detention and prosecution of political opponents, human rights defenders and journalists on the basis of criminal offenses whose scope was extensively interpreted or artificially magnified.

The judgment also identified structural shortcomings affecting guarantees of judicial independence and impartiality. These deficiencies were capable of facilitating direct or indirect influence by the executive over certain judicial decisions, particularly in politically sensitive cases.

The ECtHR said Turkey must take general measures in areas including:

• strengthening institutional safeguards governing the appointment, assignment and discipline of judges;
• reinforcing judges’ security of tenure;
• ensuring full compliance with judgments of higher courts and the Constitutional Court;
• preventing the excessive use of pre-trial detention;
• preventing the same facts from being repeatedly prosecuted under broad or alternative criminal classifications;
• ensuring that criminal proceedings are not used to exert pressure or neutralize the exercise of fundamental rights;
• granting priority at the domestic level to proceedings concerning the execution of ECtHR judgments;
• establishing a genuine mechanism for reviewing aggravated life sentences and providing a realistic prospect of conditional release.

The court considered such measures necessary to restore the effectiveness of the separation of powers, maintain public confidence in the judiciary and ensure that the rights to liberty and a fair trial are not undermined by considerations unrelated to the rule of law.

Executing ECtHR judgments is also a constitutional obligation

The Grand Chamber emphasized that Turkey’s obligation to execute ECtHR judgments does not arise solely under international law.

Under Article 90 § 5 of Turkey’s Constitution, duly ratified international agreements concerning fundamental rights and freedoms have the force of law. In the event of a conflict between such an agreement and domestic legislation on the same matter, the international agreement prevails.

The ECtHR therefore found that execution of its final judgments is also a requirement of the rule-of-law principle enshrined in Article 2 of the Constitution.

Judgments must not be implemented merely formally. They must be executed fully, promptly and in good faith, in a manner compatible with both their conclusions and their spirit.

70,000 euros in non-pecuniary damages

Kavala sought 70,000 euros in non-pecuniary damages for the violations that had continued since Dec. 10, 2019.

Taking into account the gravity, cumulative effect and prolonged nature of the violations, the ECtHR awarded the full amount claimed.

Turkey was ordered to pay:

• 70,000 euros in non-pecuniary damages;
• 43,342.57 euros in costs and expenses.

The sums must be paid within three months. After that period, simple interest will accrue at the European Central Bank’s marginal lending rate plus three percentage points.

What did the dissenting judges say?

Judges Faris Vehabović and Saadet Yüksel argued in a joint dissenting opinion that the application should not have been examined before Kavala’s individual applications to the Constitutional Court had been concluded.

They emphasized that the Convention system is based on the principle of subsidiarity and that the primary responsibility for protecting human rights rests with national legal systems.

In their view, the individual application to the Constitutional Court remained a structurally effective remedy, and the national judiciary should have been given an opportunity to conclude its examination before the ECtHR considered the merits.

The dissent criticized the majority for departing from the exhaustion requirement on the basis of the length of the Constitutional Court proceedings and the case’s particular circumstances.

Judge Yüksel also wrote a separate dissent, arguing that:

• the approximately two years and nine months during which the second Constitutional Court application had been pending could not be regarded as manifestly excessive;
• the Article 3 complaint concerning the irreducible aggravated life sentence had not been raised before the domestic authorities;
• part of the Article 5 complaint concerning detention on the espionage charge had been lodged outside the applicable time limit;
• the ECtHR should not have concluded that the domestic authorities had pursued an ulterior purpose before the Constitutional Court completed its examination.

The dissents focused primarily on admissibility and the application of the subsidiarity principle rather than offering a full alternative assessment of all the majority’s findings on the merits.

Why does the judgment matter?

The 2026 judgment takes the findings made in 2019 and 2022 to a further legal stage.

In 2019, the ECtHR found that there had been no reasonable suspicion justifying Kavala’s pre-trial detention and that the detention pursued the ulterior purpose of silencing him.

In 2022, the Grand Chamber held that Turkey had failed to execute that judgment in good faith and had continued Kavala’s deprivation of liberty by reclassifying essentially the same facts under different criminal provisions.

The 2026 Kavala v. Türkiye (No. 2) judgment directly examined:

• the legal basis of the Gezi Park conviction;
• the interpretation and application of Article 312;
• the independence and impartiality of the courts;
• restrictions on the rights of the defense;
• the deprivation of liberty following conviction;
• the predominant purpose of the criminal proceedings;
• the irreducible nature of the aggravated life sentence.

The Grand Chamber found that the problem was not limited to an erroneous assessment of evidence or isolated procedural defects.

Activities protected by the Convention had been transformed into elements of an exceptionally serious offense. Violence committed by third parties had been attributed to Kavala without an individualized assessment of his responsibility. The criminal provision had been extended in an unforeseeable manner. Defense rights and guarantees of an independent tribunal had been gravely undermined. The criminal proceedings had been used predominantly to punish and silence the applicant.

The binding core of the judgment therefore consists of three requirements:

Kavala must be released at the earliest possible date, all consequences of his conviction must be eliminated, and the legal and judicial structures that made similar violations possible must be reformed.

(VC)

After nine years in custody, he stood in front of the ECtHR once again today, who ruled in his favor 15-2. The court said that Turkey must release him at the nearest possible date, a ruling that Kavala has heard before. However, this new ruling builds on the previous findings of cases in 2019 and 2022 by directly examining the fairness of the criminal proceedings that resulted in Kavala’s conviction, the interference with his freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly and the lawfulness of his deprivation of liberty after 2019. The Court also examined the nature of his aggravated life sentence. 

A comprehensive legal summary of the ECtHR Grand Chamber’s judgment in Kavala v. Türkiye (No. 2)

25 August 2026

The Grand Chamber found that Turkey had violated: 

• article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which protects freedom of expression;
• article 11, which protects freedom of peaceful assembly; 
• article 6/1, concerning the right to a fair hearing before an independent and impartial tribunal; 
• article 5/1, concerning the right to liberty and security; 
• article 18, which prohibits restrictions on Convention rights from being applied for purposes other than those prescribed, taken together with Articles 5/1, 6/1, 10 and 11;
• and Article 3, because the aggravated life sentence offered no prospect of conditional release and no mechanism for reviewing whether continued imprisonment remained justified.

Before the ECtHR, Kavala argued that: 

• his deprivation of liberty had been arbitrarily continued after the 2019 judgment;
• the same facts from previous domestic cases had repeatedly been used under different criminal classifications;
• activities protected by the Convention had been treated as evidence of serious crimes;
• His conviction had no foreseeable legal basis;
• he had not been tried by an independent and impartial tribunal;
• important defense witnesses had not been heard and central defense arguments had not been effectively examined;
• his aggravated life sentence provided no prospect of release or review;
• And the investigation, continued pre-trial detention and conviction, had been used to punish and silence him. 

In addition to ruling for Kavala’s release, the Court emphasized that there are systemic flaws in Turkey’s judiciary system that contributed to Kavala’s detention. 

However, the Court did find Kavala’s complaint that the criminal proceedings as a whole had lasted an unreasonable amount of time inadmissible. 

Prior ECtHR rulings on the Kavala case

In the first Kavala v. Turkey judgment on Dec. 10, 2019, the ECtHR ruled on Kavala’s pre-trial detention in connection with the Gezi Park events and the attempted coup of July 15, 2016. The Court ultimately found that there had been no reasonable suspicion to conclude Kavala committed the offenses attributed to him. 

In this first Kavala proceeding, the ECtHR found violations of Articles 5/1, 5/4 and 18. The judgment, which became final on May 11, 2020, ultimately concluded that Kavala’s detention served an ulterior purpose not prescribed by the Convention — silencing him as a human rights defender. Kavala is to be released immediately, the Court argued. 

After Kavala was not released following this initial ruling, the Committee of Ministers initiated infringement proceedings against Turkey under Article 46/4 of the Convention on Feb. 2, 2022. The intention of these proceedings were to determine whether Turkey had failed to comply with the binding 2019 judgment. On July 11, 2022, the Grand Chamber concluded that, indeed, Turkey had failed to comply with the earlier ruling. 

Kavala was still detained and although the charges were different, the ECtHR found that the later new charges pressed against Kavala were not based on substantially new facts. Evidence that the ECtHR had already examined and found insufficient was simply reclassified under different criminal provisions. 

Kavala then filed a new individual application with the ECtHR on Jan. 18, 2024, concerning developments after the 2019 judgment. This application was initially allocated to the court’s Second Section. However, jurisdiction was relinquished and the case eventually made its way to the Grand Chamber under Article 30 of the Convention. 

This new case went beyond the simple question of executing the earlier judgments. It directly concerned Kavala’s conviction, the proceedings as a whole and his continuing deprivation of liberty. This was the case in question today. 

Kavala’s domestic proceedings in Turkey 

Kavala has been under detention since Oct. 18, 2017. He was initially suspected of attempting to overthrow the government by force and violence in connection with the Gezi Park events, under Article 312 of the Turkish Criminal Code, and of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order in connection with the July 15 coup attempt, under Article 309.

On Feb. 28, 2020, The İstanbul 30th Assize Court acquitted Kavala and ordered his release. The release order did not result in Kavala’s actual release, who was taken into police custody yet again on the same day under Article 309. In March 2020, he was placed in pre-trail detention, this time on the charge of political or military espionage under Article 328. Kavala was later convicted on April 25, 2022, and sentenced him to aggravated life imprisonment.

A chilling effect on civil society 

The Court found that a significant number of Kavala's activities were normal behaviors that fall within the protection of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. 

These activities including things like participating in public debate; supporting civil society initiatives; facilitating meetings; documenting alleged human rights abuses; disseminating information and opinions on matters of public interest; criticizing the use of tear gas; organizing cultural events and documentary projects; meeting academics, journalists, diplomats and international organizations; and providing material, logistical or intellectual support for peaceful demonstrations. 

While the Grand Chamber emphasized the important role of human rights defenders and civil society organizations in a democratic society, the Turkish government argued the violence that took place during the Gezi Park protest placed Kavala’s activities outside the protection of the Convention. The court rejected this argument.

Domestic Turkish courts have not established that Kavala personally participated in or incited any violent acts during the Gezi Park protest. Under ECtHR case law, individuals do not lose the right to peaceful assembly over the violent actions of other people during the demonstration, provided that the individual in question remains peaceful in their own intentions and behaviour. 

Moreover, the ruling stated that equating lawful civil society activities with the actus reus of an exceptionally serious offense had led to the “indirect attribution of criminal liability for acts of violence committed by third parties, in the absence of any direct participation, incitement or accommodation on the applicant’s part.” 

The Court said this in turn has a serious chilling effect on the exercise of the freedoms enshrined in Articles 10 and 11 of the Convention, protecting freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. 

Kavala’s case is evidence of a systemic problem 

The Court found that Kavala’s situation is not merely an isolated incidence of injustice, but rather a symptom of a larger systemic problem. Their ruling stated that the case has a wider context in Turkey marked by the detention and prosecution of political opponents, human-rights defenders and journalists on the basis of criminal offences, the scope of which is "interpreted extensively or artificially magnified.” 

The injustices that took place and ultimately led to Kavala’s nine year detention are part of a larger systemic issue in the Turkish judiciary. Kavala is just one member of civil society who is facing these consequences. 

(HA/İK)

Additionally, more than 70 workers and their families who migrated from Şırnak's Cizre and Silopi districts to Bektaşlı Village connected to Zonguldak's Alaplı district to pick hazelnuts faced two attacks over two days.

He threatened the workers with a knife in Düzce

According to information sent by Düzce workers to Mezopotamya Agency, the attack started in the evening hours while they were sitting in the garden of their house.

Düzce’nin Cumayeri ve Gümüşova ilçelerinde çalışmak için Mêrdîn’den bölgeye giden Kürt işçiler, bir grubun ırkçı saldırısına uğradı.https://t.co/2CeLqA3Tqp pic.twitter.com/PqDn5JvB2v

— Mezopotamya Ajansı (@mezopotamyatrk3) August 23, 2026

The workers said a group came to where they were staying and one of them pulled out a knife, cursing the workers and telling them to leave the region. The workers subsequently called the police who arrived on the scene and took the assailant away. The workers said they were worried about their safety following the attack and are considering leaving the region. 

The Düzce Governorship announced that the suspect, named M.A., had seven separate criminal records. M.A., who was referred to the courthouse, was later arrested by the court.  

In Zonguldak, more than 70 workers and their families were attacked twice

More than 70 seasonal hazelnut workers and their families who arrived in the Bektaşlı Village, (connected to Zonguldak's Alaplı district) from Şırnak's Cizre and Silopi districts, faced multiple attacks over two days.  

According to reports, the incident began when children threw melon and watermelon waste into a water source. Following an argument, the area where the workers were staying was stoned and later vehicles carrying workers leaving the village were also subject to stoning attacks. Gendarmerie law enforcement could not ensure the safety of the workers. 

Social media footage depicted a group attacking the workers, including children sitting in the bed of the pickup truck, with sticks and stones. 

Zonguldak’a çalışmaya gelen Kürt işçilere ırkçı saldırı.

Şırnak’ın Cizre ve Silopi ilçelerinden Zonguldak’a çalışmaya gelen mevsimlik tarım işçileri ve aileleri, taşlı ve sopalı saldırıya uğradı. pic.twitter.com/uDdrJQi5Ft

— Toplumsal Muhalefet (@ToplumsalMht124) August 23, 2026

In the footage, allegedly from right before the incident, the workers are told “Hungry dogs, is there no job in your hometown?” There is no independent verification on the source of the footage’s connection to the attack. 

Four detainees were released 

The Karadeniz Ereğli Chief Public Prosecutor's Office launched an investigation into the incident. Justice Minister Akın Gürlek noted that the investigation is being carried out for the purpose of illuminating all aspects of the incident. 

Gürlek stated the following: 

"It is of importance that an isolated incident that took place is not drawn into different meanings and made the subject of generalizations that will damage our social peace, and that the public relies only on verified information shared by competent authorities.

The protection of the peace, safety, and rights of each of our citizens, including our seasonal agricultural workers, is under the guarantee of our state. Our judicial authorities will do what the law requires regarding the persons who have responsibility in the incident." 

After the incident, four suspects were detained by the gendarmerie. They were released in the morning hours after giving statements to the Public Prosecutor at the courthouse. 

İHD: The basic obligation of the state is to protect people's life and security

The Human Rights Association (İHD) Commission Against Racism and Discrimination made a statement, reminding the state of its obligation to protect its citizens: 

“Degrading, exclusionary, and othering expressions directed at the ethnic, regional, or social identity of a group directly threaten social peace, the principle of equal citizenship, and human dignity.

Seasonal agricultural workers carry out a significant portion of production under severe working and living conditions in different regions of our geography. It is unacceptable for people who go to another city for the purpose of working to be excluded, degraded, or subjected to attack due to the region they come from or the identity they carry.

No one can be targeted due to the place they were born, the language they speak, their ethnic origin, their region, or their social identity.

From the perspective of human rights, the basic obligation of the state is to effectively protect people's life, bodily integrity, and security.”

The Bar Association called the attack an ‘isolated dispute’ 

The Zonguldak Bar Association’s statement, on the other hand, claimed that the incident stemmed from an “isolated dispute” between a seasonal agricultural worker family and a family living in the village.

The Bar Association also stated that social groups should not be targeted over the identity, hometown, or type of work done by the parties. The association requesting all wait on the outcome of the judicial investigation: 

“Making generalizations over the identity, social status, hometown, or working form of the parties to the incident and targeting any social group is unacceptable in terms of our social peace and culture of living together.

As a requirement of the principle of the rule of law, the neutral, effective, and meticulous investigation of every incident that occurs by relevant authorities; the protection of the parties' rights and the uncovering of the material truth carry great importance.

It is understood that a judicial investigation regarding the incident that occurred has been launched, and we emphatically remind that the outcome of the investigation should be awaited, and unverified information and claims should not be spread via social media and the press.” 

Bektaşlı Village Headman: ‘This is not an ethnic identity conflict’ 

Bektaşlı Village Headman Atilla Akman, on the other hand, said that the incident was not related to ethnic origin. Speaking to Zonguldak's local newspaper ozgurhalkinsesi.com.tr, Akman said that the incident started with 13 or 14-year-old children arguing by the fountain over the cleaning of melon rinds. Stating that the argument was later brought to the family elders, Akman explained that the incident was calmed down by the intervention of security forces.

Akman said that seasonal workers have been coming to the village for about 12 years and hundreds of them work in the village. Akman added that despite living together with the workers for many years, they have never experienced a similar problem to date. 

“There is no Kurdish-Turkish conflict; there is no ethnic identity conflict,” Akman said. He also noted that there were no major injuries over the incident and the workers continued their labor afterwards.

DEM Party: “We will not remain silent in the face of racism”

Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) Co-Chairs Tülay Hatimoğulları and Tuncer Bakırhan also reacted to the attacks via posts on their social media accounts. 

Condemning the attacks, Hatimoğulları said: “In such a historical period where the will to build a together and equal future strengthens, targeting, threatening, and subjecting people who travel kilometers to earn a living through their labor to attacks due to their identities is never acceptable.”

Bakırhan also expressed a similar reaction, saying: “I condemn the racist attacks directed at our Kurdish citizens. Targeting, threatening, and subjecting seasonal agricultural workers, among whom there are also children, to violence due to their identities is never acceptable.”

The DEM Party said the following in a statement: 

“Attacks directed at Kurdish seasonal workers in Zonguldak and Düzce are never acceptable. Evaluating such attacks as isolated [incidents] is a dangerous outcome of a racist and discriminatory mindset. In the sensitive period we are passing through, an opportunity should not be given to those who want to bring people face to face.

No one can threaten our Kurdish citizens in their own country, target them, or dare to attack their right to live and work. We call upon competent authorities to investigate the attacks in all aspects and the perpetrators and instigators, if any, to give an account before the law.

We invite everyone to use common sense against provocations and to enlarge the will for living together. We will not remain silent in the face of racism, and we will not leave our attacked citizens alone. As the DEM Party, we will follow up on these attacks and resolutely continue our struggle against racism and hate crimes.” 

(HA/İK)

Istanbul Technical University Department of Climate Science and Meteorological Engineering Faculty Member Professor Dr. Mikdat Kadıoğlu, said the increase is positive but an increase in precipitation and dam occupancy in a single water year does not mean the drought is over.  

According to reporting by the ANKA News Agency, Kadıoğlu said that “climate” is the statistical average of weather characteristics spread across many years, while dam occupancies are impacted by operating conditions, water consumption and basin characteristics, in addition to precipitation. 

“It can create various occupancy levels in dams”

Kadıoğlu said that dam occupancy levels do not increase at the same rate as precipitation. In the region where the precipitation falls, the water retention capacity of the soil, type of precipitation and its timing all contribute. He also said that a significant portion of the first rainfalls following a long-lasting drought may be spent on resolving the soil’s moisture deficit, while short-term and severe downpours, causing floods, can exit the system without reaching the dams.  

According to Kadıoğlu, dam occupancies are also affected by inter-basin water transfers, withdrawals made for drinking water, agricultural irrigation and industry, as well as the physical characteristics of reservoirs. Evaporation loss can be higher in shallow and wide reservoirs. 

“Even if the same amount of water inflow occurs, different consumption rates can create different occupancy levels in dams," he said. 

“The reasons for the differences in the increase in the four major cities”

Different dam occupancy increase rates were recorded across the four major cities. The active occupancy rate increased from 44.3% to 46.9% in İstanbul, from 11% to 32.8% in Ankara, from 4.3% to 39.6% in İzmir, and from 36.1% to 39.4% in Bursa. 

Kadıoğlu stated that the reason for the different rate increases across the cities varied. He pointed out that especially high increases in İzmir and Ankara stemmed from low initial levels. 

"The nearly nine-fold increase in İzmir does not show that İzmir's water problem has been solved, but how dangerous of a point it was at last year," he said. 

On the other hand, the increase in İstanbul and Bursa appears more limited simply because last year’s occupancy rates were higher, he clarified. 

“The occupancy rate alone is not a metric of water security” 

In his evaluation, Kadıoğlu said that "İstanbul has the highest daily water consumption in the country. Incoming water largely goes directly to consumption without being stored; therefore, even in a good precipitation year, the occupancy curve can follow a flat course. Industrial demand creates a similar pressure in Bursa."

Kadıoğlu also stated that water losses from evaporation in shallow reservoirs also increase during the summer months when heatwaves are more frequent, thus "dam occupancy rates are not a metric of water security on their own."

“The real issue is the change in the precipitation regime rather than total precipitation”

Kadıoğlu stated that Turkey is especially open to the impacts of climate change due to its location on the Mediterranean basin. In the future, alongside an increase in total precipitation, rainfalls could occur in shorter durations with greater intensity. Therefore, it could directly lead to surface runoff without infiltrating the soil, causing floods and reducing the storage capacity of reservoirs with the sediment they carry along.  

"Even if total precipitation remains constant, storable water can decrease,” said Kadıoğlu. “The joint occurrence of drought and flooding within the same year is the natural result of this regime." 

“The most important problems threatening water security are not being discussed enough”

The annual water amount per capita in Turkey is 1,301 cubic meters, so considering the 1,700 cubic meter threshold, Turkey is under water stress, stated Kadıoğlu. He explained that water stress cannot be explained by climate change alone. Expanding cities without observing their water budget and carrying capacity, along with continuing crop patterns unsuited to the basin, disrupts the water supply-demand balance. Climate change then further exacerbates these problems. 

“This water year is a window of time granted to us” 

Kadıoğlu said that drought monitoring, early warning and intervention plans must be created in metropolitan cities. Water restrictions should not be initiated after resources are depleted, but upon exceeding previously determined critical thresholds. 

He recommended that instead of using dam occupancy rates, the public should be informed on how many days of water would remain at the current consumption rate. He stated that zoning and industrial decisions must be linked to basin water budgets and basin-appropriate crop patterns must be established in the agriculture sector. He also said that water must be used efficiently, network loss and leakage must be reduced, rainwater should be utilized and treated water must be reused. 

Kadıoğlu also expressed that drought, as a slow-onset disaster, should be included in disaster management legislation and budget.

Kadıoğlu believes that the current wet period is an important opportunity for Turkey, but will not provide a permanent solution unless structural measures are taken. 

"The rainfalls of this water year are a window of time granted to us, not a solution,” said Kadıoğlu. “If we do not use this time for structural measures, the next drought year will find us right where we were last year."

(VC/İK)

According to reporting by the LGBTI+ focused news outlet Kaos GL the investigation was carried out by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor's Office. The Prosecutor’s Office asserts that “entertainment for sexual purposes” and “obscene” actions “contrary to general morality” were carried out in the establishment.  

Seven people detained in the operation 

The Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office announced that the investigation was made in response to complaints submitted on the Presidential Communication Center (CİMER), an online platform that allows citizens to directly contact the Presidency of Turkey and issue suggestions, complaints or request information. 

Originally proposed as a measure to increase state transparency, CİMER has become a go-to complaint tool for citizens, who have used it to report on a wide variety of activities, including those of a political nature. 

During the operation, seven people, including the business owner, manager in charge and employees were detained. The suspects were arrested under articles in the Turkish Penal Code pertaining to “obscenity” and “prostitution.” 

Seven arrested in Ankara ‘gay bar’ probe

28 July 2026

The Human Rights Association criticizes anti-LGBTI+ media publications 

Some Turkish news outlets used discriminatory, anti-LGBTI+ language in their coverage of the incident. 

According to reporting by Kaos GL, the A Haber news outlet used the phrase “LGBT perversion” in its headlines.  

In a statement following the operation, the Human Rights Association (İHD) drew attention to news publications targeting LGBTI+ individuals. İHD said that these publications fuel hate speech and discrimination, and called on the media to use inclusive, human rights-based language in their reporting.  

One of İstanbul's oldest gay bars shut down after invitation to 'gay cruise' passengers

29 June 2026

(NÖ/İK)

The online meeting, held on Aug 12, was attended by Atölye BİA Coordinator Ceyda Sungur, AtölyeBİA Research Coordinator Sinem Aydınlı, bianet Managing Editor Vecih Cuzdan and bianet Civil Society Stakeholders Reporter/Atölye BİA Assistant Evrim Gündüz on behalf of the IPS Communication Foundation/bianet, and Hivran Timur and Zeynep Sidar Irmak on behalf of the Children First Association.

During the meeting, we discussed the association’s arts and cultural activities and psychosocial support work with children, its mother tongue-focused workshops, and its neighborhood-based work in the Sur district of Diyarbakır.

Hivran Timur: ‘We were founded in response to a need that emerged after the appointment of trustees’

Hivran Timur said the Children First Association was founded in Diyarbakır in 2017 in response to a need that emerged after trustees were appointed to municipalities and several institutions in the city were subsequently shut down.

Arts and cultural activities make up the bulk of the association’s work. Timur said they conduct their activities in Kurmancî and Zazakî, with psychosocial support also forming part of their work.

Timur said the association also began working in Adıyaman following the Feb 6, 2023 earthquakes, but has recently refocused its efforts on Diyarbakır. She added that their work in Sur has gradually expanded into neighborhood organizing:

After moving to Sur, we saw that there were different needs here. We saw that children here were both being influenced by radical religious groups and experiencing serious trauma, along with their families, following the urban conflict in 2015. This led us to ask, ‘What can we do in terms of neighborhood organizing?’ We currently run workshops on a voluntary basis, without any project funding.

Zeynep Sidar Irmak: ‘We are trying to form a children’s theater group’

Zeynep Sidar Irmak said the association launched a pilot program during the summer after moving to Sur. The aim was to identify the needs of children in the neighborhood and gauge their interest in the workshops. Four workshops were launched by volunteers and continued for two months, with families applying directly for their children to participate.

Irmak said they wanted to continue the activities after the summer. To that end, they formed a group of children who had participated in the workshops:

We formed a group of seven children who took part in the workshops. We spoke with their families. If we receive their approval, we plan to continue drama, puppetry and Kurdish-language classes with the group during the school year and try to form a theater group with them.

Irmak: ‘We plan to expand the work to other districts’

Zeynep Sidar Irmak said the association has been working to combat child and forced marriage in Diyarbakır’s Çınar district. She said the work in Çınar had progressed better than they had expected. In the coming period, the association plans to carry out similar work in Bismil and Silvan.

Irmak said they would also broaden the scope of the workshops:

We will also add gender equality, reproductive health and sexual health education to our workshops. In Çınar, we had planned the workshops as two separate training programs, one for men and one for adolescents. We will carry out the new activities by separating the groups in the same way and expanding the range of topics.

Timur: ‘Children have never been treated as participants in discussions on peace’

Hivran Timur said the association was also seeking to bring the issue of peace into its work, noting that children’s experiences and voices have not received sufficient attention in ongoing discussions.

Timur said they had previously held photography workshops with children and that this experience led them to consider how a form of peace journalism centered on children could be developed:

We are now trying to put the issue of peace on our agenda. Children have never been treated as participants in discussions on peace. It is almost impossible for children to make their own voices heard in the media. We asked ourselves, ‘What would peace journalism focused specifically on children look like?’ We used to hold photography workshops for children. We are now brainstorming among ourselves about how we might connect that experience to this and what could come out of it.

Proposal for collaboration on child-focused journalism

During the meeting, building on the Children First Association’s idea of peace journalism focused on children, we also discussed possible collaboration on journalism that is both child-focused and participatory.

We shared bianet’s work on child-focused journalism and exchanged ideas on approaches that would allow children to take part in news coverage as active participants expressing themselves in their own words.

You can follow the Children First Association on Facebook, X, Instagram, YouTube and LinkedIn.

(EG/VK)

The reshaping of the agricultural sector through technology involves policies that will not only put an end to small-scale family farming but also, by dehumanizing agriculture, strip us of our ancestral agricultural knowledge. The mapping of all fields using drones, the reduction of agriculture to mere data, and the transition to “smart farming” through AI-powered agricultural machinery essentially constitute a plan to turn vast rural areas into components of a surveillance system. Under this plan, farmers will be reduced to “data slaves,” while their dependence on large-scale capital companies will increase. Furthermore, connecting tractors to cloud systems also brings with it the risk of cyberattacks, such as the sabotage of farmers’ fields or the theft of their data.

The technology, marketed under names such as “smart agriculture,” “soilless agriculture,” and “digital agriculture,” is promoted as a mechanism to take industrial agriculture to the next level—to achieve higher yields, generate greater profits, and, in particular, address the aging of the rural population. Having all decisions regarding the field made by artificial intelligence not only leads to a loss of production skills for farmers but also causes them to become alienated from their land and the crops they grow, results in the homogenization of produced goods, and ultimately displaces farmers, driving them into poverty. At the same time, smart agricultural machines equipped with artificial intelligence—which lock themselves against any external intervention—are allowing capital to take control of farmers’ means of production.

A monopolistic company like John Deere (1), which built its reputation by manufacturing agricultural machinery, has introduced autonomous tractors to the market in recent years. These tractors have effectively turned the farmer’s most basic means of production into computers. As a result, farmers can no longer intervene in any malfunctions that occur on their own tractors, nor can they take their tractors to a repair shop of their choice. The digital locks installed by the company on the tractors prevent farmers—who are seen as the last bastion of free labor—from having a say over their means of production or taking initiative. Realizing that they only possess the right to use the tractors they purchased, farmers are developing various strategies to counter digital capitalism. First, farmers filed “Right to Repair” (2) lawsuits, which they won, forcing the monopolistic company to pay $99 million in damages.

Furthermore, under the terms of a settlement presented to the court, the company was compelled to make all diagnostic software, error codes, emissions reset tools, and technical manuals—which it had previously provided exclusively to its authorized service centers—available to farmers and independent repair shops for a period of 10 years. (3)

These struggles raise the following question: Is it possible to build “solidarity technologies” that allow us to use technology to our advantage in the face of this digital exploitation? Can we develop fair distribution algorithms based on the collective ownership of the means of production? Our goal, of course, is not to reject technology entirely, but rather to seek ways and methods to build technology from the ground up for the benefit of the people.

In fact, solidarity practices built from the ground up for the public good—such as the Ahilik tradition and the culture of imece—are not foreign to these lands. There is considerable accumulated experience in this area, particularly through the cooperative movement. However, when it comes to the shared use of software, digital sales channels, and the like in the digital sphere, there are still serious shortcomings. Existing commercial applications are not only monopolized by corporations but also not designed in accordance with the principles of the solidarity economy. While digital sales channels increase the number of interactions with products and services, they diminish the underlying political depth and fail to transform product purchases into conscious political acts.

On the other hand, various initiatives have been implemented in this field through platform cooperativism. For example, the Sementler (4) application developed for the MST (Landless Rural Workers’ Movement) in Brazil—an open-source software created through direct dialogue with MST members—has facilitated the movement’s division of labor and management. Similarly, Grownby (5) in the U.S. and Fairmondo (6) in Germany are paving the way for farmers to engage in fair trade and make digital sales through an easy-to-use interface. While the development of digital platforms for the public good—from the grassroots up and tailored to specific needs—is a matter of formulating a policy in response to technology, collective ownership also frees farmers from heavy financial burdens.

However, just as capitalist companies turned to “toxin-free” food production through organic farming and launched a new certified agricultural process once the effects of industrial agriculture became clear, in the same way, robots (7) have now been developed that mechanically pull weeds, sow seeds, know exactly which natural fertilizer to inject into which part of the plant—in short, nourish the plant and harvest the crop at the end of the season.

These robots also perform planting and sowing tasks based on coordinates uploaded to the cloud. One might naturally ask, “What’s so bad about being able to easily perform these labor-intensive tasks—such as weeding, plant feeding, and harvesting, which are often seen as drudgery in agriculture—without using agricultural pesticides?” However, the fact that data from all rural land can be processed and viewed in real time—and that this data, under the guise of “defense systems,” could serve militarization—is truly concerning, as it will transform into a massive surveillance and control system over geography and people. Other issues we need to consider include the linking of surveillance systems to public agricultural subsidies, the shift of agriculture under corporate control, the disconnection of farmers from production—reducing their labor to mere buying and selling—and the monopolization of knowledge. Another issue that must be taken into account is the cost to nature and the environment of our use of artificial intelligence. It is clear that the water and fossil fuels consumed in the production process of these generative AI systems (8), as well as the soil and natural vegetation destroyed through energy extraction, will affect the climate and damage the environment in the long term.

This technology, which leaves us at the mercy of corporations, allows the environment in which we breathe to become increasingly polluted day by day and enables the irreversible depletion of clean water sources. With every operation performed via artificial intelligence, more electricity is generated from fossil fuels, and more potable water is used to keep cooling systems running. The narratives we’re told often portray AI systems as beneficial to the planet and suggest that these technologies will also protect us from climate change. (9) Yet what we’re being told is not the whole story. We must reflect on the ways and means to view and interpret these issues from the public’s perspective, to turn the policies imposed on us on their head, to rewrite the story from our own perspective, and to rebuild our approach to technology from the ground up. Concerns about technology are growing, particularly regarding issues such as artificial intelligence taking rare books from bookstores and destroying them (10) and monopolizing knowledge.

Recently, a large number of collectives and activists have been calling for new regulations, transparency, and greater accountability in the development of artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies. Furthermore, anti-technology activists are being referred to as the “new Luddites,” taking the place of the 19th-century machine-breakers. (11) These collectives and activists, who engage in direct action, target companies operating in sectors such as mining and the defense industry while sabotaging infrastructure systems. Anti-technology sentiment is shaped by three key factors. First, it is viewed as an economic threat stemming from the seizure of the means of production and the reshaping of production methods; second, it is seen as contributing to the dissolution of our bonds with one another and with nature; and finally, it is perceived as a threat that will ultimately eradicate human existence in the long term. We don’t have to look very far. The fact that the occupying Israeli regime uses hunger as a weapon against Palestinians, poisons fields with drones, and turns digital technologies into weapons of war to displace Palestinian farmers is proof that these concerns are not unfounded. (12)

For centuries, we have possessed the agricultural skills that have sustained us and enabled us to produce our own food. By taking control of our own food systems, we can collectively decide—from the perspective of food sovereignty—what to produce, how, when, and for whom. We are not bound by autonomous systems and algorithms created through artificial intelligence—such as “smart farming,” “soil-less farming,” and “robotic farming”—that are imposed on us in the name of productivity and market conditions. Moreover, when we consider the effects of industrial agriculture on our health, it is clear that these systems are not the way to sustain our lives. A long life depends on plenty of physical activity, working the land, and living in harmony with nature. The international farmers’ organization La Via Campesina has conducted studies showing that if food sovereignty is established, wise peasant farming can prevent hunger. (13)

While producing our own food, we can adapt technology to our own benefit in the areas where we need it. We must envision a new structure where this process—which currently favors corporations—is transformed through collective wisdom. Solidarity technologies should be an integral part of the people’s food sovereignty and must serve the public interest and the people themselves.

Sources

1) https://www.croplife.com/smart-tech/more-farmers-are-adopting-john-deeres-see-spray-he res-why/

2) https://www.kqed.org/news/12077465/to-hack-a-tractor-how-farmers-won-the-right-to-repair

3) https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2026/07/ftc-states-secure-settlement-deere-company-advancing-farmers-right-repair

4) https://policyreview.info/articles/analysis/platform-cooperativism-brazilian-solidarity-economy

5) https://coop.grownby.com/

6) https://geo.coop/articles/fairmondo-cooperatively-owned-online-marketplace

7) https://farmdroid.com/products/farmdroid-fd20/

8) https://geo.coop/blog/cooperative-case-against-ai

9) https://yerdenizkooperatifi.org/index.php/2026/07/16/tarim-teknolojisi-karsisinda-ozerklik/

10) https://gazeteoksijen.com/dunya/internet-tukendi-sira-avrupa-sahaflarinda-yapay-zeka-sir ketleri-nadir-kitaplari-tarayip-imha-ediyor-282218

11) https://icct.nl/publication/stop-machines-rise-anti-technology-extremism

12) https://yerdenizkooperatifi.org/index.php/2026/02/09/filistin-direnis-ekonomisi-yayimlandi-t oprakla-kurulan-direnisin-hikayesi/

13) https://viacampesina.org/en/2024/10/la-via-campesina-to-undff-midterm-forum-we-refuse-to-let-this-be-the-decade-of-the-extinction-of-peasants-farmers-systemic-transformation-mu/

Rad says that in her youth, she kept a personal blog under a pseudonym, where she wrote about love, dating, romantic experiences, the books she read and the films she watched. She says the blog gave her a small but meaningful space of freedom: “That blog gave me a space where I could narrate part of my life as I was actually experiencing it—something that was not possible for me in public.”

Fast forward to today, she points to how significantly the outlook of daily life has recently changed: "For me, the Jin, Jiyan, Azadî movement marked the beginning of a shift in which compulsory hijab effectively lost much of its authority over everyday life. Today, the image you see on the streets of Tehran is something that might have been unimaginable to many of us ten years ago."

Rad reflected on what it means to be a woman in Iran, where the women’s movement stands today, and her experience as a journalist.

Control over the body

What does being a woman in Iran mean in public and private spaces? What are the main factors that determine or limit the spaces in which women can exist as women in everyday life? What are the legal, social, and cultural boundaries that clearly distinguish women’s lives from men’s?

From an early age, I was a rebel. Many of the freedoms that my family and society restricted for me seemed so self-evident that I simply could not understand why there should be any restrictions at all; why I should have to negotiate or answer for something simply because I was a girl, or why I should be denied the right to do something or have something that came naturally to me.

There were many situations in which I simply did not have the power to push back. Later, I learned how to protect myself better: by keeping my distance, making myself less visible, avoiding confrontation, and sometimes staying silent when there was simply nothing I could do. But in silence and in private, I continued to live on my own terms.

Even today, when I enter an environment or a group where freedom and human dignity are not taken seriously, I would rather leave that place and that group.

When I was younger, I had a private blog where I wrote under a pseudonym about romantic experiences, love and dating, the books I was reading and the films I was watching. I wrote about things I could not talk about publicly under my real name. That blog gave me a space where I could narrate part of my life as I was actually experiencing it—something that was not possible for me in public.

Part of this inequality and discrimination is rooted in culture and tradition, while another part is connected to Iran’s political system. The Islamic Republic is governed according to Islamic laws, and many people, including those who do not believe in Islam themselves, are forced to live under laws they do not believe in.

At the same time, I do not think all of these issues can simply be attributed to religion. Even among people who consider themselves anti-religious, certain traditional and discriminatory attitudes can become so deeply internalized that they continue to be reproduced.

One of the clearest differences, in my view, is that women do not have full control over their own bodies. At that point, we are no longer dealing simply with traditional attitudes or family pressure; the state directly intervenes in this area.

Limitations of legal protection

At what moments do women in Iran feel the inequalities and limitations arising from being women most strongly? When and how do you think this awareness develops in women’s lives? What was your own awareness and experience regarding this issue?

Women’s awareness of inequality does not always begin with a major event or a single defining experience. Sometimes it begins the moment a child realizes that something is forbidden or restricted for her, while it is completely normal for her brother or for a man.

These inequalities later reveal themselves in much more serious situations: in courts, in questions of child custody, and in cases involving violence and self-defense. In some cases, even a woman who has killed an attacker while defending herself against rape may face a murder charge and extremely severe punishment, including qisas (retribution in kind, which can include the death penalty).

In such situations, the difference between women’s and men’s rights and circumstances is no longer simply an everyday difference; it can become a matter of life and death.

At the same time, I do not think we can look at all experiences of inequality in Iran today solely through the lens of gender. Women certainly face restrictions and experiences that men do not, but there are also many issues that women and men experience together. Regardless of gender, we are all living under an authoritarian political and social structure, and in recent years, the economic crisis, inflation, poverty and widening class inequality have affected so many people’s lives.

That is why I do not agree with portraying Iranian women and men as always standing on opposite sides. My experience has been that many Iranian men support women and stand alongside them. I think it is important to distinguish between the Iranian government and the Iranian people. If we look at Iranian society today only through the lens of women versus men, we miss a large part of the reality.

Solidarity expanding to daily life

How did the “Jin, Jiyan, Azadî / Zan, Zendegi, Azadi” movement that spread from Iran to the world in 2022 affect solidarity among Iranian women? What remains today from the forms of solidarity and organization that emerged at that time? Today, how do women create spaces of resistance, solidarity, and organization for themselves in everyday life?

I think a significant part of that solidarity is still there, although not necessarily in an organized form or through clearly defined groups and organizations. What matters to me is that this solidarity was never limited to women; Iranian women and men supported one another, and they still do.

Perhaps the most important change for me was that some things we had once only been able to imagine in our minds entered the streets and everyday life.

For me, the Jin, Jiyan, Azadî movement marked the beginning of a shift in which compulsory hijab effectively lost much of its authority over everyday life.

Today, the image you see on the streets of Tehran is something that might have been unimaginable to many of us ten years ago.

For me, the importance of this movement was not only in the street protests. It was also in the fact that large numbers of people decided to make different choices about how they wanted to live—and to accept the consequences of those choices. Part of that solidarity continues today through these everyday choices.

That is why I do not see the Jin, Jiyan, Azadî movement simply as a women’s movement. I see it as part of a broader effort by people who wanted to live more freely and to have greater agency and dignity in their own lives.

Invisible boundaries in journalism

Cases involving sexual assault, self-defense, and severe punishments imposed on women occasionally spark debate in Iranian public opinion. How might such cases resonate psychologically among women? Are there legal mechanisms, institutions, solidarity networks, or safe spaces that women can turn to in cases of sexual, psychological, economic, or physical violence? To what extent are women able to access these mechanisms and how effective are they?

In many cases, women cannot turn to reliable legal mechanisms or support institutions, and informal networks—family, friends, or people they trust—often play a more important role.

The legal structure of the Islamic Republic is fundamentally at odds with legal equality between women and men, and a significant part of these laws stems from the government’s official interpretation of Islam.

The problem is not simply that women do not receive sufficient protection from violence; sometimes the law itself can place them in an extremely difficult position. For example, as I mentioned earlier, in cases where a woman has killed an attacker while defending herself against rape, she may, depending on the circumstances of the case and the laws concerning qisas, face the death penalty herself.

As a woman journalist living in Iran, what difficulties do you face? Are there situations that you experience differently from your male colleagues because you are a woman while doing your profession?

I am a freelancer, and most of my work is online. I work from home, cafés, or while traveling. As a result, I personally have not encountered many of the restrictions that women in Iran face in their everyday working lives simply because they are women.

But there is one particular incident I remember clearly. I was working at an organization where one of my colleagues harassed me for months through his comments and, especially, his messages. Eventually, I raised the issue with the head of the organization. But because he had a close male friendship with that colleague, he did nothing about my complaint and told us to sort it out between ourselves.

In the end, that “male camaraderie,” despite the fact that I loved my work, forced me to leave.

We should not imagine Iranian women’s experiences as uniform. Depending on the type of work they do and the environments in which they work, some women face far greater restrictions, while others, like me, have relatively safe and independent working environments. These limitations do not exist in the same way for every woman.

When reporting on the problems women face, do special pressures, restrictions, or areas of self-censorship emerge for journalists? What are the professional and personal risks of reporting on these issues?

If you are a journalist who is very active on social media, particularly if you write about politically sensitive issues, you may have to censor yourself to avoid arrest or interrogation, or move toward less risky areas of coverage.

I have not personally faced any direct trouble so far—perhaps because I am not a well-known figure. From the beginning, I created a kind of safety buffer for myself: I did not publish my posts on Instagram, and I did not become part of any particular circle, movement, or subgroup. These choices have allowed me to remain relatively independent, although that does not mean there is no risk.

There are colleagues who have been imprisoned, summoned, or interrogated. So even though I have never personally experienced arrest or interrogation, I am always aware that the line between writing and getting into trouble can be very thin.

'The news finds its way to you anyway'

Looking at your own life, what event or experience has affected you the most, both as a woman and as a journalist? How did this experience affect your perspective on life, the women’s struggle, and journalism?

Becoming familiar with meditation, mindfulness and self-awareness changed my path and my perspective on the world and on life. I became calmer, happier and more hopeful.

I am a journalist, but unlike many journalists, I do not constantly follow political news. I start my mornings with gratitude, not by checking negative news. I am a very positive and hopeful person, even—and especially—while living in Iran. After all, when you live in Iran, the news finds its way to you anyway: through changes in the price of the dollar and the euro, through the rising price of coffee. I do not need to spend my time constantly scrolling as well.

I might change careers tomorrow and stop writing altogether. The freedom we have, simply by being alive on this earth, to do whatever we want with our lives is immensely beautiful and exciting to me.

I no longer dwell on the past, but if I want to answer your question honestly, several traumatic experiences changed the course of my life and the way I look at it. One of them was the psychological, emotional, and sexual abuse I experienced at the hands of a well-known Iranian filmmaker. I was young and inexperienced at the time. I spent a long time working through the trauma, and eventually I managed to come through that period alive, whole, wiser and freer. But I have to say, it was a very dark time.

Today, thanks in part to the MeToo movement, things have changed to some extent. Later, when I spoke to the admin of the Persian MeToo page about publishing my account, she told me that another young woman had experienced exactly the same thing with the same filmmaker. The pattern was so similar that she could hardly believe that the two of us were two different women.

He made films about young people and was deeply concerned with their lives and experiences, yet he himself was exploiting them.

One of the things that came out of that experience was that I ended up becoming a journalist instead of an actress.

Being reduced to symbols

What do you think is the point that those who follow the struggle of women in Iran from the outside overlook the most? What would you particularly like to tell those who want to understand the lives and struggles of Iranian women today?

The problem is that Iranian women are often expected to always represent something: either victimhood or resistance.

I myself might write about political and social issues one day, spend another day volunteering and working on a farm while traveling, or simply want to cook.

This part of life is less visible in the stories coming out of Iran that are seen and followed from outside the country.

If someone really wants to understand the lives of women in Iran, they also need to see this everyday, less visible side—not only the visible moments of protest and resistance, but also the complexities, choices, and even contradictions of women’s lives. (EÖ/VC/VK)

The meeting, held at Atölye BİA on Aug 11, was attended by Atölye BİA Research Coordinator Sinem Aydınlı, bianet Managing Editor Vecih Cuzdan and bianet Civil Society Stakeholders Reporter/Atölye BİA Assistant Evrim Gündüz on behalf of the IPS Communication Foundation/bianet, and Jiyan Tosun and Alper Yalçın on behalf of the İHD İstanbul Branch Conscientious Objection Commission.

During the meeting, we discussed the process of reactivating the İHD Conscientious Objection Commission, its current work and the rights violations conscientious objectors face in their daily lives.

Jiyan Tosun: 'Violations against conscientious objectors have changed form'

Jiyan Tosun said the Conscientious Objection Commission was first established in the 2000s and was active at the time on issues of conscientious objection, antimilitarism and opposition to war.

Tosun said they reactivated the commission in June 2025, noting that rights violations against conscientious objectors have changed form over the years:

Conscientious objectors face rights violations in many areas, including the rights to work, education and health, in addition to criminal penalties. These violations affect every aspect of a person’s life and prevent them from building a life for themselves. In the past, violations were more visible through detentions and criminal penalties, but today they have taken different forms. These ongoing violations in the lives of conscientious objectors are no longer sufficiently visible. So we asked ourselves, ‘What can we do?’ and reactivated the commission.

Alper Yalçın: 'Conscientious objection is an antimilitarist stance that goes beyond victimhood'

Alper Yalçın said people who declare themselves conscientious objectors are classified as draft evaders, those who fail to report for military service after being called up, or deserters. He said this affects their access to various rights in daily life. While conscientious objectors may be able to take jobs with social security coverage, they can subsequently receive official notices, he said. Yalçın added that the military status document required for university enrollment can also hinder access to education.

Yalçın also addressed the concept of “civil death,” which is used to describe the situation faced by conscientious objectors. He said the term risks defining them solely through victimhood:

Personally, I don’t want to wear the label of ‘civil death.’ This concept risks defining us solely through victimhood. For me, however, conscientious objection is an antimilitarist and anti-war stance that goes beyond victimhood. Alongside the rights violations we experience, we also want to talk about the system we oppose. Opening military spending up for discussion is part of that.

'We should discuss militarism together'

Yalçın said the struggle for conscientious objection should be addressed alongside military spending and defense industry policies. He said the structure and operations of defense industry companies should also be scrutinized, drawing attention to how security narratives shape social life.

Yalçın said discussions on peace should also create space for rethinking the concept of security. “We should discuss security, the budget and militarism together. Especially when talking about peace, we need to rethink our understanding of security and the budget. Who owns the companies in the defense industry, and how do they operate? How can we, as citizens, not know these things or be unable to talk about them? These are precisely the issues we want to open up for discussion,” he said.

'War is becoming increasingly normalized'

Yalçın also discussed how militarism is reproduced in everyday life. From schools to the media, people are exposed to ready-made narratives about groups defined as “enemies,” he said, stressing the importance of questioning these narratives.

Yalçın said constant exposure to news of wars and massacres also changes the way people relate to violence:

We witness so many massacres that they all start to feel like war games. Every day, we see somewhere being bombed on the news. War is increasingly becoming normalized as part of everyday life. At the same time, we are experiencing an immense sense of alienation.

'Militarism is also an issue for different social movements'

Yalçın said the antimilitarist struggle is not limited to the experiences of those subject to compulsory military service, pointing to the contributions of the women’s and LGBTI+ movements in this area.

He said the women’s movement, in particular, has opened up an important intellectual space through its critique of the relationship between militarism and masculinity:

What women have said against a militarist system that reproduces masculinity and assigns women a particular position is very thought-provoking. The women’s movement has always been part of this discussion, and so has the LGBTI+ movement. We also need to look at how other social movements have taken up the issue of militarism.

'There is a need for an information and support mechanism'

Yalçın said they wanted to create a space where people could ask questions about conscientious objection, obtain information or share the rights violations they have experienced. He said there are people who can provide legal support and stressed the importance of giving young people considering conscientious objection access to information and opportunities to hear about others’ experiences.

Yalçın described a recent conversation with a young person who contacted the İHD Conscientious Objection Commission:

You’re 20 years old and very confused about conscientious objection. You need someone to talk to, but everyone is frightening you about it. Naturally, you’re scared. Who are you going to talk to? There needs to be an information and support mechanism where a young person can call, freely talk about their uncertainty and get answers to the questions they have.

Yalçın also said they wanted the commission to be open to anyone interested in discussing militarism, not only those subject to compulsory military service:

We need spaces where we can discuss militarism together. A woman should be able to come, an LGBTI+ person should be able to come, an Islamist should be able to come. Let’s discuss militarism, the budget, all those rituals and the things that are held sacred together.

You can follow the İHD İstanbul Branch Conscientious Objection Commission on Instagram and X.

(EG/VK)

"Neutralizing Israel within the framework of international law in the face of its aggressive policies threatening regional peace and security has become an urgent necessity that can no longer be postponed," Bahçeli said in a written statement today.

The proposal comes days after an Israeli airstrike on an abandoned military base in northwestern Syria, less than 100 kilometers from the Turkish border.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and cabinet members said they were acting against what they described as Turkey's military expansion in Syria. Ankara has denied that its military personnel were present at Abu al-Duhur airbase before or during the strike.

"Whether it is a manifestation of its historic expansionism and disregard for the law, or an initiative aimed at the approaching elections [in Israel], what has been done is an unacceptable attack on law, peace and regional stability," Bahçeli said of the attack. "Turkey is not a country seeking conflict. At the same time, it is certainly not a country that will ignore threats directed at it, stand by as its sovereign rights are violated or leave its national security at the mercy of others."

What does Israel's Abu al-Duhur attack mean?

19 August 2026

Bahçeli also contrasted Turkey's Kurdish peace process and efforts toward regional stability, with Israel's attacks on several countries in the region: "While Turkey is strengthening its internal front with the goal of a 'terror-free Turkey,' it regards the stability of its neighbors as an integral part of its own security. The Israeli government, on the other hand, is associated with crisis, conflict, and humanitarian devastation across a vast region stretching from Gaza to Lebanon and from Syria to Iran."

Seven-point plan

The nationalist leader proposed a seven-point plan to contain Israel:

• The "Mecca Agreement," a recently signed collective defense pact involving Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkey, should be expanded to include more members and transformed into a "Jerusalem Pact." The initiative would provide Muslim countries with a joint security and defense framework and eventually become an "Islamic Peace Force" covering countries and regions targeted by Israeli attacks.
• A temporary Middle East Peace Council comprising the US, Russia, China and the European Union should be established to rapidly restore stability in the region.
• A Middle East Security and Peace Conference should be convened under United Nations auspices and in close coordination with the proposed coalition or council. It would draw up a roadmap for establishing a lasting two-state peace in Palestine and bringing peace and stability to the Middle East.
• Turkey should issue an "Ankara Declaration" setting out the principles guiding its approach to regional security and placing peace and stability at its center. The declaration should also state that Turkey would not remain unresponsive to any possible hostile attack by Israel and would not be responsible for the consequences. It should further emphasize that Turkey, as a nation that welcomed Jewish people during difficult periods, feels "sorrow and concern" that the Israeli government has been "left in the hands of a murderer."
• Ceasefires without international monitoring mechanisms were unlikely to last, past conflicts showed. A neutral "International Ceasefire Monitoring Mission" should be established under the UN.
• Mediation efforts led by individual countries should be replaced by an institutionalized, multilateral structure to ensure continuity in diplomatic initiatives. 
• A "Gradual Diplomatic Pressure and Incentive Mechanism" should be established as sanctions or diplomatic appeals alone had failed to produce lasting results.

(VK)

The İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office opened the investigation on Aug 13, three days after the song was released. The investigation followed a targeted campaign against Matiz on social media and in the pro-government media.

Following questioning by prosecutors at İstanbul Courthose today, Matiz was referred to a court, which imposed an international travel ban on the singer.

The song's lyrics and video do not contain any explicit or sexual content. The video shows a man preparing to marry a woman exchanging contemplative looks with another man at the wedding venue. 

The song's video clip has got over four million views on YouTube since its release.

Matiz denies obscenity allegations

In their statement, Matiz said they wrote the song about two years ago and developed the concept for the music video with director Sinan Tuncay. They intended to depict traditional wedding celebrations from Turkey’s Thrace region, said Matiz.

The singer denied that the music video contained obscene material:

“My song is a work of art. The video contains no scenes, images or references of an obscene nature.

"The footage of two men looking at each other, which is at issue in the investigation, does not constitute the offense of obscenity, regardless of the nature of their relationship.”

“Two people looking at each other or dancing together is not a crime. They could be looking at each other with love, hatred or resentment. All of these are subjects of cinema, art and literature and should not be criminalized.”

Trans activist Janset Kalan sentenced for 'obscenity' over photo showing 'cleavage'

26 November 2025

'I'm constantly forced to explain my work'

Matiz also said their works were being interpreted through the lens of their gender identity, resulting in them being forced to explain them to judicial authorities:

“I do not accept that criminal meanings are systematically attributed to many of my works based on my identity. I think it is unfair that I am constantly forced to explain my work.

"I sincerely and humbly ask myself whether any investigation would have been opened, or whether the same interpretations would have been made, if the same works had been created by another artist. I reject the accusations against me.” 

This is not the first time Matiz is investigated over a song. As an openly queer singer, they previously faced an obscenity case over their song “Perperişan,” released in September. They were acquitted in that case.

Matiz is a popular singer in Turkey, with more than 2 billion total streams on Spotify and a monthly audience of over 20 million on YouTube.

'Obscenity' investigations

In recent years, authorities have increasingly used obscenity laws. While this practice began with targeting adult-content creators, the scope of such investigations has now also extended beyond explicit material.

Public figures such as musicians and social media personalities faced obscenity charges over their statements and the content they produced.

Article 226 of the Turkish Penal Code prohibits the publication of obscene content through the media. The law covers "general obscenity" and "obscenity involving children" but does not provide a specific definition of obscene material.

Publishing or facilitating the publication of obscene images, writing or speech is punishable by six months to three years in prison and a judicial fine of up to 5,000 days.

Turkey expands ‘obscenity’ investigations to musicians as 'girl band' given travel ban

10 September 2025

(EMK/VC/VK)

The limestone figurines were found during excavations at Gedikkaya Hill and İn Cave in Bilecik’s İnhisar district. Some were coated with clay, while the largest measured about 30 centimeters long and 20 centimeters wide.

The excavations were conducted from May 18 to Jul 18 by a 14-member team led by Prof. Deniz Sarı of Bilecik Şeyh Edebali University’s Department of Archaeology.

Radiocarbon tests place the finds in the Epipaleolithic period, which lasted roughly from 20,000 to 10,000 BC. Researchers believe the figurines were made for ritual purposes and placed inside the cave.

Local residents found nearly 30 dead storks on Aug 19 along a high-voltage power line in an agricultural area in the Marmaraereğlisi district of Tekirdağ.

"Unfortunately, dozens of storks are lying dead along the roadsides. Apparently this happens every year, but this is the first time we have seen it on this scale," Marmaraereğlisi Environmental Volunteers Association chair Mine Olgaç told Mezopotamya Agency (MA).

More than 100 storks were also recently found dead around Küçükçekmece Lake on the outskirts of İstanbul, where electric railway lines are located as part of an ongoing high-speed railway project between İstanbul and Edirne. 

A key migration route

İstanbul lies on one of the two main migration corridors connecting Europe and Africa, along with the Iberian Peninsula-Gibraltar route. Storks winter in Africa and migrate through Turkey to Europe in the spring, where they breed, before returning south in the autumn.

The European breeding population is estimated at about 224,000 to 247,000 pairs, according to Migration Atlas. Tens of thousands of the eastern population are estimated to migrate through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and continues through the Middle East toward eastern and southeastern Africa.

Field counts recorded 50,000 to 120,000 storks passing through İstanbul between 2006 and 2010.  

Measures introduced in Küçükçekmece

Following the deaths, Turkish State Railways (TCDD) launched a scientific study and introduced initial measures including insulation and devices designed to prevent birds from perching on electrical infrastructure.

TCDD said further measures would be developed according to risks identified through scientific assessment to minimize contact between migratory birds and railway electrification systems.

Birdwatcher and activist Erdem Kuruca, who is closely following the developments in the area, told BBC Turkish that without these measures, "the death toll could have reached several hundred."

"When the storks arrive in the evenings, a maintenance vehicle is on the tracks to prevent them from approaching," he said.

Dr. Ergün Bacak, a wilflife expert at İstanbul University-Cerrahpaşa, called for insulation along its electrical lines, as well as broader measures in the country's northwestern region of Thrace. 

"More ornithological monitoring should be carried out before power lines and wind turbines are built in Thrace, and necessary measures should be taken in areas that pose a risk," he told Anadolu Agency (AA).

Milleyha: Migratory birds' gateway to Turkey threatened by earthquake debris

14 December 2024

Deaths gone unnoticed in previous years

Kuruca said similar deaths occurred in Küçükçekmece in previous years but they had not attracted public attention, citing his recent conversations with local people. 

"We need to keep this issue on the agenda," he said during an Aug 14 program on Apaçık Radyo. "Unfortunately, we spoke to people who live there and people who are constantly in the area. These deaths happened last year as well. They happened the year before that, too. But nobody knew about them. So even in İstanbul, we are not aware of these deaths."

Stork Yaren reunites with fisherman friend for 15th year in Bursa 'stork village'

27 February 2026

Why do birds perch on power lines?

Dr. Bacak said habitat loss can leave migratory birds such as storks with few safe places to rest, forcing them to perch on power lines.

"If storks land on the ground, they may become prey for species such as jackals and stray dogs. That is why they prefer to spend the night perched somewhere high," said.

Birds can normally perch on electrical wires without being harmed, but storks, which have broad, long wings, can touch two wires at the same time, completing an electrical circuit and causing electrocution, Bacak noted.

Authorities adding water to Türkiye's largest saline lake to prevent baby flamingo deaths

5 August 2022

Other risky regions

Not only Turkey's northwest, but much of its soil lies on bird migration routes. Some areas pose particular risks according to Dr. Bacak, including the Bosphorus and Dardanelles traits, the Belen Pass in Hatay and the Çoruh Valley in Artvin, all narrow corridors where large numbers of migratory birds pass.

"Construction projects, wind turbines and power lines in these areas put birds at greater risk," he said. "After Thrace, provinces such as Mersin, Hatay and Adana are generally among the places where power lines and poles kill the most birds."  (VK)

The seasonally and calendar-adjusted labor underutilization rate, which includes time-related underemployment, the potential labor force and unemployed people, fell by 0.2 percentage points to 29%.

Labor force

Employment increased by 155,000 from the previous quarter to 32.479 million people, while the seasonally adjusted employment rate rose by 0.1 percentage points to 48%. The rate stood at 65.8%for men and 31.6% for women.

The labor force expanded by 71,000 to 35.278 million people, while the labor force participation rate declined by 0.1 percentage points to 52.7%. Participation was 70.6% among men and 35.3% among women.

Gender breakdown

The unemployment rate was estimated at 6.7% for men and 10.3% for women.

Youth unemployment

Among people aged 15 to 24, the seasonally adjusted unemployment rate fell by 1 percentage point to 13.9%. Youth unemployment was estimated at 11% for men and 19.3% for women.

Sectors

Employment increased by 240,000 in services, 25,000 in construction and 10,000 in agriculture compared with the previous quarter. Industrial employment fell by 121,000.

Services accounted for 59.8%of total employment, followed by industry at 19.7%, agriculture at 13.7% and construction at 6.8%

Working time

The seasonally and calendar-adjusted average actual weekly working time for people who were at work during the reference period rose by 0.1 hours to 42.3 hours.

The combined rate of time-related underemployment and unemployment stood at 19%, while the combined rate of the potential labor force and unemployment was estimated at 2%. (VK)

His lawyer, İsmail Topkaya, announced the release on social media. “Good news... My client Metin Turan, a revolutionary prisoner with his voice and words, has been released,” he wrote.

The Forensic Medicine Institute had previously concluded that Turan was unfit to remain in prison because of serious health problems. An application for his release based on the report was rejected by the Bafra Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. An appeal was subsequently filed with an enforcement judgeship.

Who is Metin Turan?

An Middle East Tehcnical Univesity (METU) graduate, Turan performed as a lead singer for the left-wing protest bands Grup Ekin and Grup Yorum. He was imprisoned for political reasons in the 1990s.

Turan began writing short stories in prison. His story “Öbürkü” received the Ümit Kaftancıoğlu Short Story Award in 2019. He also received honorable mentions in the Gülten Akın Letter Award organized by Nilüfer Municipality in 2021 and the Sait Faik Short Story Competition in 2022.

His published works include the children’s books “Zozi-Dodi ile Arkadaşlarının Maceraları” and “Keşfetmenin Güzelliği” in 2018, “Her İnsan Bir Zamandır” in 2019, “Ama Bir Gün Bir Şey Olur” in 2020, “Başka Türlüsü” in 2021 and “Parçalanmayı Bekleyen” in 2022. (FY/VK)

The league started with all Galatasaray’s main rivals praying that they wouldn’t win the title again and for a -wait for it- record 5th time in a row, yes, you heard it right. I’m sure if it happens again the other teams will move en masse to join the Islandic 2nd division and leave it for Galatasaray to play on their own. 

But never fear, from the jaws of victory they almost clinched defeat against 10 men Çorum. The game was dire and played so slow you could see snails whizzing past. (This is sadly true in most leagues now.) At one point I almost thought the winger had a walking stick as he waited for all the Çorum players to get back. Having so much time, they could have had cocktails on a sunlounge, waiting. Osimhen was starved of any meaningful chances and as the nerves set in the inevitable happened even against 10 men Çorum, a last minute equaliser. After the game the manager said we desperately need more players, not a great show of confidence in those he has. 

Fenerbahçe 

With each passing year without a title the pressure mounts, 13 and counting, and with the possibility of Galatasaray being crowned rulers of the world. This season feels like do or die again. However, in the few European games prior to the start of the season, they have looked compact and confident with a few new players. With this in mind, a game away to relegation favourites Gençlerbirliği should have been a walk in the park and it was, going one up after a few minutes, and then they, the opposition scored. Guendouzi’s face said it all, pleading I didn’t know they were allowed to score as well? Quickly like Bambi in headlights, they crumbled to a defeat. Lukaku will make a difference and I’m confident they can bounce back

Beşiktaş 

They are the loyalist fans in league, hopeless for a number of years, could the long-suffering fans have something to shout about this year? The stadium was bouncing but as the two above, they were nervous like on a first date, terrified in case they make a wrong move. Trossard was superb and a win will give them encouragement. 

The chasing pack

Trabzonspor signed “The Egyptian King” Mo Salah, joining from my club Liverpool. At first the western media sniggered arrogantly, then as more and more top players joined clubs here, they changed their tune; talking about how the amazing fans, culture, cuisine and of course beach life are creating a heady temptation. This could be Trabzon’s season as Mo is tempting the best to join him.

Mayor offers Mohamed Salah ‘climate change-proof’ land in Trabzon

6 August 2026

As the weekend faded to the last game, Samsunspor played Göztepe in what was the tie of the round 3-3, the sort of game you don’t even move from the couch. Göztepe are in fact my outside bet to win the league, building on last season’s achievements.

Another notable point is the inclusion of Amedspor in the Süper Lig from the Kurdish region; it is hoped at this critical time it is the football that does the talking and not the actions of some opposition crowds. 

This season as ever, I will be seeing my local long suffering amateur side mixing and enjoying the atmosphere. Another club just a little way away is now in the second league, and I may savour the delights there too. 

My eyes will of course be on the Süper Lig which I love. As football is run by big companies back home, there is still a connection between fans and their clubs here as it’s the members who run them. 

And whoever you support, I will be watching and clapping the beautiful game here. (DM/VK)

Israeli warplanes targeted the airbase, about 70 kilometers from the Turkish border in the eastern countryside of Idlib, with several strikes.

Defense Ministry spokesperson Rear Adm. Zeki Aktürk criticized Israel for targeting the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty during a weekly press briefing:

“Israel continues its attacks and military activities in southern Lebanon despite the framework agreement that was signed, while its latest attacks on Syria target that country’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity.

“We must absolutely not allow the perception to take hold that Israel’s military interventions against neighboring countries are normal and acceptable. Our priority is to prevent our region from being dragged into further conflict and instability and to establish lasting peace and security.”

What does Israel's Abu al-Duhur attack mean?

19 August 2026

Following the briefing, the ministry responded to questions about the Abu al-Duhur strike, clarifying that no Turkish military personnel was present.

“We state that no Turkish military delegation was present at the Abu al-Duhur airbase before or during Israel’s attack. For the peace and stability of both Syria and the region, it is essential that Israel end such reckless attacks and comply with the requirements of international law.”

The ministry added that Turkey would continue supporting Syria’s efforts to develop its infrastructure and military capacity under the principle of “one army.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu claimed that the strike was carried out to prevent what he described as the threat posed by Turkey’s military expansion in Syria.

(VC/VK)

İkra Avcı was briefly detained on Jan 26 and stood trial for "terror propaganda" due to her action. She was eventually acquitted. 

She announced her dismissal yesterday on social media, saying she had joined the protest to speak out against violence and killings targeting women:

“I have been dismissed from my profession as a nurse. I braided my hair to protest the killing of women, violence and femicides. The price I paid was my profession. I will never forgive this injustice.”

The case dates back to January, when a video circulated on social media showing a member of the Syrian interim government forces displaying the severed braid of a fighter from the Kurdish Women's Defense Units (YPJ) in northern Syria during clashes between the two groups.

Kurdish women launched a social media campaign following the incident, posting images of their braided hair on social media. They were joined by women from many countries.

Desecration of Kurdish woman fighter's body sparks hair braiding campaign on social media

23 January 2026

Avcı also joined the protest by posting a short video.

Authorities opened both a judicial and an administrative investigation over the post, and Avcı was suspended from her job.

Several people at the time were subject to criminal investigations on "terror propaganda" allegations at the time.

Court denies release of 16-year-old girl detained over hair-braiding protest posts

17 February 2026

A court in Kocaeli acquitted Avcı on May 21.

The disciplinary investigation continued independently of the criminal proceedings, however, and resulted in Avcı’s dismissal from the civil service.

Under Turkey’s Civil Servants Law No. 657, dismissal from the civil service is imposed by an institution’s High Disciplinary Board. Avcı’s case was decided by the Health Ministry’s High Disciplinary Board.

The date, reference number and reasoning of the board’s decision have not been made public. No official explanation has been provided specifying which provision of the Health Ministry’s disciplinary rules was deemed to justify punishment for conduct that did not result in a criminal conviction.

Avcı is expected to challenge the administrative decision in court. (AEK/VK)

Syrian state television, citing a military source, reported that the base’s runway and warehouses were hit in eight airstrikes. Local and military sources reported no casualties, but the facility sustained material damage.

What gave the attack significance beyond Israeli-Syrian tensions, however, was not so much the location of the target as the justification Israel later provided. The Israeli Prime Minister’s Office claimed that an earlier understanding had been reached with the Damascus government on maintaining the “status quo” in the security sphere. It accused the Syrian government, however, of being on the verge of violating that arrangement by allowing Turkey to deploy at an airbase near Aleppo.

Israel’s statement indicates that the Abu al-Duhur strike was intended as a deterrent message not only to Damascus, but also to Ankara.

‘Turkish military delegation was at the base before the strikes’

London-based Arabic-language outlet Al-Araby Al-Jadeed reported citing sources on the ground that a Turkish military delegation had visited Abu al-Duhur the day before the attack.

According to the report, the delegation inspected preliminary work aimed at bringing the runway back into service. Sources claimed the work was still at an early stage, that some communications equipment was present inside the base and that a Bayraktar-type reconnaissance drone had been flying in the area. An Israeli reconnaissance aircraft was reportedly seen flying around the base after the delegation left, with the strike taking place several hours later.

The London-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights made a similar claim.

A Turkish official speaking to US-based Axios denied these claims.

Reactions from Ankara and Damascus

The Foreign Ministry “strongly” condemned Israel’s airstrikes on Abu al-Duhur. The ministry described the attacks as a continuation of violations of Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Turkey’s Presidency Directorate of Communications also dismissed the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office’s claims about Turkey as “frivolous,” arguing that they were intended to legitimize airstrikes targeting Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. The statement said Turkey would continue its cooperation with the Damascus government on a legitimate basis “to establish peace, stability and prosperity” in Syria.

Statements from Damascus also contradict Israel’s account of a “status quo.” A diplomatic source from the Syrian Foreign Ministry told Qatar-based Al Jazeera that there was no security agreement with Israel restricting Syria’s ability to develop its civilian or military institutions. The same source also claimed that Israel had been informed that no foreign forces were present at Abu al-Duhur.

Barrack’s ambigious remarks

Comments by Tom Barrack, the US special envoy for Syria and ambassador to Ankara, to Reuters make this uncertainty particularly apparent.

Barrack said the Israeli strike reflected a “perception, right or wrong,” that Turkey “could increase its presence at this base in the near future.” In other words, Barrack did not confirm that Turkey was preparing to deploy at Abu al-Duhur, but said Israel had acted because it perceived such a possibility as a threat.

Another important point in Barrack’s remarks was that Ankara had not been informed of the operation in advance. According to Barrack, Turkey observed Israeli aircraft moving toward its border and it would have been “reasonable” for Ankara to prepare a military response.

Barrack said a more serious escalation had been prevented and added that Washington was working to establish a stronger deconfliction mechanism among Turkey, Israel and Syria.

Why now?

Three dynamics stand out in the timing of Israel’s ‘Abu al-Duhur’ strike.

First, the Damascus government’s efforts to rebuild its military institutions and infrastructure are becoming increasingly concrete.

Second, Israel is no longer viewing Turkey’s support for this process solely as diplomatic influence, but as a factor that could alter the military balance in the future.

Third, US-mediated security talks between Israel and Syria have yet to produce a binding framework agreed upon by both sides.

İbrahim Hamidi, editor-in-chief of the London-based Al Majalla magazine, also drew attention to the timing of the Abu al-Duhur strike. He reposted an Aug 10 post showing a Syrian pilot conducting a training flight in a fighter jet in Idlib, adding the question: “Was Israel’s bombing today of Abu al-Duhur Airport in the Idlib countryside a response to this step?”

Is Abu al-Duhur a continuation of the T4 crisis?

What makes the ‘Abu al-Duhur’ strike more significant is that it was not the first such incident.

A similar crisis unfolded around the Tiyas/T4 Air Base in central Syria in April 2025. Israeli warplanes targeted the base following reports that Turkey was preparing to deploy forces to several Syrian airbases, including T4.

There is a striking similarity between the two incidents. In both cases, a Syrian airbase that had drawn the interest of Turkish military delegations and was being considered for reactivation was targeted by Israel shortly afterward.

The Israeli government clearly appears to believe that the deployment of Turkish air defense systems in Syria could restrict the freedom of operation Israeli warplanes have enjoyed for years.

The Israel-based Jerusalem Post reported on Apr 1, 2025 that an Israeli security source had described the T4 strike in these terms. According to the source, Israel was signaling that it would not allow a Turkish-operated airbase to restrict its freedom of operation.

From this perspective, Abu al-Duhur can be seen as another example of the red line that emerged at T4.

(VC/VK)

Araz Rasho Qoto was arrested on charges of "forgery of an official document" under an Aug 1 ruling by the İzmir 1st Penal Judgeship of Peace and sent to the Aliağa Şakran Type-T Closed Prison.

The court released Shahbaz Aras Naif Al Abdy with an international travel ban. Immediately after her release, the Migration Management took her and her two young children to the Harmandalı Removal Center, where they were placed under administrative detention.

Attorney Edhem Kuruş, who is handling the family’s case, said the health of 4-year-old Alveer should be given priority.

"What we are discussing today is not merely an immigration procedure or a penal investigation. It concerns the health and safety of a 4-year-old child with severe epilepsy," he told bianet.

The child ran out of medicine

Kuruş said Alveer, born on Apr 2, 2022, regularly takes anti-epileptic medication and that the case file contains medical documents concerning the child’s epilepsy and neurological findings.

According to Kuruş, the family says the medication Alveer had with him when he was taken to the removal center has run out and that they have had difficulty obtaining more.

"No legal dispute should take precedence over the child’s health needs," he said, noting that any disruption to the regular medication of a child with epilepsy could have serious health consequences.

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The family are demanding that the child be provided with his medication without interruption, examined by a specialist and, if necessary, transferred to an appropriate health care facility.

Pointing to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Turkey is a party, and relevant provisions of the Constitution, Kuruş said the best interests of children must also be taken into account in administrative procedures:

"Alveer is 4 years old. His sibling is also very young. Their father is in prison, while their mother is being held in a removal center with the two children. Under these circumstances, the impact of administrative detention on the children must also be assessed."

Residence and accommodation guarantee

According to Kuruş, the family has a fixed address where they can stay in Menemen. A Turkish citizen has also pledged to provide accommodation and meet the basic needs of the mother and children, and to take responsibility for the family if they are released from the removal center.

The lawyer also noted that the mother's travel ban and said these circumstances should be considered when assessing alternatives to administrative detention.

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Kuruş said Article 57/A of Law No. 6458 on Foreigners and International Protection provides for alternatives to administrative detention, including requirements to reside at a specified address, report to the authorities or provide a signature at designated intervals.

"In this case, there is a fixed address, there is a guarantee that the family will be received and provided with accommodation, and the mother is subject to a travel ban. The authorities should therefore reassess whether the necessary supervision can be maintained without holding her, and especially the young children, in a closed facility.

"If administrative supervision can be ensured through less restrictive and enforceable measures, why is a 4-year-old child with severe epilepsy still being held under these conditions?"

Father's detention

Kuruş argued thatr the detention of the father, Araz Rasho Qoto, should also be reconsidered in light of the family’s current circumstances:

"If the objectives of the investigation can be achieved through less restrictive measures such as judicial supervision, whether continued detention is proportionate should be reconsidered.

"We are not opposed to the enforcement of the law. On the contrary, we want the law to be properly applied. But in applying the law, the right to life, health and best interests of Alveer, a 4-year-old child with severe epilepsy, cannot be disregarded.

"At the center of this case is not merely an immigration procedure or a penal investigation. At the center of this case is a 4-year-old child. And a 4-year-old child’s right to life cannot be made secondary to any bureaucratic consideration." (NÖ/VK)

The object fell into the courtyard of the Arsin District Security Directorate at around 7 pm, the Trabzon Governor Tahir Şahin told reporters at the scene.

Preliminary findings indicated that the object was an unmanned aerial vehicle, Şahin said, adding that authorities were working to determine the origin of the drone.

Fixed-wing drones, which are widely used in the Russia-Ukraine war, have occasionally reached northern parts of Turkey, but none had previously exploded there.

Videos circulating on social media appeared to show an explosion smaller than those typically associated with fixed-wing drones and more similar to an explosion involving an FPV drone.

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(VK)

Meriç, who represents Antep in parliament, underwent surgery at Gaziantep City Hospital following the attack in the Şahinbey district. Initial reports said his condition was life-threatening, while officials later said he was stable after surgery.

The motive for the stabbing was not immediately known. 

The attack comes amid a split in the CHP, Turkey’s oldest political party. The New Party was founded by Özgür Özel after he was removed as CHP leader by a court ruling in May. Ninety-one of the CHP’s 135 deputies joined the New Party. The authorities did not comment on whether the stabbing was related to the political dispute.

Security camera footage captured the incident, showing an altercation between Meriç and the suspect following a tense exchange.

MP's condition improved after surgery

Gaziantep Governor Kemal Çeber, who visited the hospital, said Meriç’s surgery had been completed and that his condition was stable. 

“There were some scenarios we feared when our lawmaker was taken into surgery. Thankfully, none of them occurred," he said.

Çeber said he expected the suspect to be detained soon, adding that “the person is known to us."

Gaziantep City Hospital Chief Physician Prof. Dr. Ahmet Ulaşan said Meriç suffered an intestinal injury that was repaired during surgery.

“His condition is currently stable,” Ulaşan said. “There was an intestinal injury, and it was repaired. His blood pressure is stable. The latest information we received was that they had begun closing the incision. We can say his condition is stable.”

Meriç’s close protection officer was not with him during the attack because the deputy had given the officer time off around noon.

Parliaement speaker condemns the attack

Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş condemned the attack and said parliament would follow the investigation.

“I condemn the attack on New Party Antep lawmaker Melih Meriç and wish him a speedy recovery,” Kurtulmuş said. “Violence can have no justification, excuse or legitimacy.”

“As the Turkish parliament, we will continue to stand against all forms of violence and will follow the process through to the end to ensure that every aspect of the attack is brought to light and that those responsible are held accountable before the law,” he added. (VK)

The court ordered 20,000 liras in non-pecuniary damages to be paid to Tufan İlbaş and sent the case back to the Tekirdağ 2nd Enforcement Judgeship for a retrial aimed at remedying the violation.

İlbaş, a prisoner at Tekirdağ No. 2 Type-F Prison, had obtained materials to make bracelets as part of handicraft activities through permission from the prison administration.

In July 2022, prison authorities refused to allow a yellow, red and green bracelet he made and wanted to give to a visitor to be taken outside the facility. These colors are embraced by the Kurdish people as a symbol of their identity.

İlbaş petitioned the prison administration asking the reason for the action and did not get a response. He then filed a complaint with the Tekirdağ 2nd Enforcement Judgeship, alleging that he was blocked from giftinh the handicraft solely because of their colors and without any legal justification.

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The judgeship rejected the complaint, relying on an Oct 2022 letter from the prison stating that İlbaş had been engaged in handicraft activities without the institution’s knowledge. It found no procedural or legal violation in the prison’s refusal to release the bracelet.

İlbaş challenged the decision before the Tekirdağ 1st Heavy Penal Court, saying the prison had provided misleading information. He pointed to a Jun 2022 decision authorizing beadwork in his cell and argued that only the yellow, red and green bracelet had been withheld because of its colors.

After the heavy penal court rejected his appeal, İlbaş filed an individual application with the Constitutional Court.

High court ruling

The Constitutional Court held that the handicraft activity in the case fell within the scope of freedom of expression. It noted that Article 26 of the Constitution protects the expression and dissemination of thought through speech, writing, images or other means, with the reference to "other means" extending constitutional protection to different forms of expression.

The court said İlbaş had stated that he was expressing his feelings through a bracelet featuring colors he considered culturally significant. It concluded that the restriction on taking the bracelet outside the prison should therefore be assessed under freedom of expression protections.

The judgment also said restrictions on fundamental rights must meet a pressing social need and be proportionate to be considered necessary in a democratic society. It noted that prisoners and detainees retain fundamental rights and freedoms under the Constitution and European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) case law.

The Constitutional Court also found that the enforcement judgeship and the heavy penal court had failed to adequately investigate whether İlbaş had permission to engage in handicrafts. A review of the case file in the judiciary’s UYAP system showed that an official document authorizing him to make handicrafts in his cell existed.

"Ultimately, in the present case, the prison administration and the judicial authorities failed to demonstrate, with relevant and sufficient reasons, that preventing the delivery of the bracelet the applicant wanted to give to his visitor met a 'pressing social need,'" the court said.

It added that the authorities had failed to show that withholding the bracelet was necessary in a democratic society and said the legal provisions cited by the administrative and judicial authorities could not, under the circumstances of the case, be regarded as satisfying the requirement of legality.

The court concluded that İlbaş’s freedom of expression, protected under Article 26 of the Constitution, had been violated. (VK)

In a written statement, the ministry said İsrael's continued attacks violated Syria's territorial integrity and called on the international community to take action:

“We strongly condemn the airstrikes carried out by Israel early today, on the Abu al-Duhur Military Airbase in the countryside of Syria’s Idlib city.

"Israel is recklessly continuing its attacks, which target Syria’s infrastructure and capabilities and violate its territorial integrity and unity.

"We call on the international community to adopt a more resolute stance to ensure an end to Israel’s aggression against Syria, which is taking on new dimensions with each passing day, and to ensure accountability for these actions that flout international law."

The strikes

Israeli warplanes struck the abandoned Abu al-Duhur Military Airbase in eastern Idlib province at around 3 am local time, according to Anadolu Agency (AA) reporting citing local sources.

No casualties were reported after the strikes.

An unnamed Syrian official told state television channel Al-Ikhbariya that Israel had carried out the attack. The official said Israeli warplanes conducted eight strikes on the airbase, targeting its runway and an unused structure inside a hangar.

Before the fall of the Assad regime, Israel regularly carried out strikes in Syria targeting Iranian forces and Hezbollah positions. After the regime’s fall, Israel expanded its attacks to weapons and missile depots and strategic military sites across Syria, as well as occupring some land in the country's south. (VK)