Men killed at least 28 women and a child in April, according to reports compiled by bianet from local and national newspapers, news sites and agencies.

Men injured at least 40 women, abused at least 20 girls and boys, and harassed 20 women in April. Men forced 184 women into sex work.

The deaths of 40 women and 8 children in April were “suspecious” cases where it could not be definitvely determined whether they were gender-based or not.

Femicide

Men killed at least 28 women in April, compared to 36 in the same month last year. One of the women killed by the men was a citizen of Azerbaijan.

Men killed six women because they did not want to separate/make peace. Men killed two women to rob them. The men's excuses for killing 20 women was not reported in the press. 

14 women were killed by their husbands, partners, and ex-husbands, four women by family members such as their sons and fathers, two women by their sons-in-law, one woman by her neighbor, and three women by her friends/relatives. The degree of acquaintance between one man and four women whom he killed was not reported in the press.

Men killed 20 women inside the house and eight women outside the house.

Men killed 21 women with firearms and five women with cutting tools. Men strangled a woman and beat and killed another woman.

Child murder

In April 2026, men killed at least one child. Last year, that number was two.

A father killed his child. He killed the child with a firearm inside the home.

Harassment

In April, men harassed at least 20 women. That number was 15 in the same month last year.

The men harassed the women in public spaces.

One woman was harassed by a municipal employee, three by colleagues who were principals or teachers, and one by an academic. The identities of the men who harassed the remaining 15 women were not reported in the press.

Child abuse

Men abused 15 children in April. Last year, that number was 39. One of the children abused by men was a Vocational Education Center (MESEM) student.

Two children were abused by an imam, two by a friend/neighbor, one by an employer, one by school staff, one by a friend of the father, one by the father, one by a boyfriend, one by a cafeteria worker, and one by a teacher. The identity of the man who abused two of the children was not reported in the media.

Sexual assault/rape

Men raped one woman in April. He was a film director. 

Violence/Injury

Men injured at least 50 women in April. In the same month last year, that number was 44. The perpetrators included police officers and non-commissioned officers.

At least eight women were taken to the hospital with injuries.

At least 30 women were injured by their husbands or boyfriends; two by their neighbors; two by relatives; and eight by family members such as fathers or sons. The identity of the man who injured eight women was not reported in the media.

Men injured at least 16 women because they “did not want to reconcile or wanted to break up.” Men's pretexts for injuring 34 women was not reported in the media.

Men injured 23 women inside the home and 27 women outside the home.

Men injured at least 39 women with firearms and five women with sharp objects. They attempted to strangle one woman, set one woman on fire, and injured four women with firearms.

Forced sex work

In April, men forced 184 women into sex work. In the same month last year, that number was 59. Children were also among those forced into sex work. All of the women forced into sex work were Turkish citizens.

(EMK/VK)

The 1st Penal Chamber of the top appeals court ruled that the 30-year statute of limitations has expired for the trial, which involved both civilians and a military officer as part of a series of legal proceedings concerning state-linked violence from that era known as Gendarmerie Intelligence Counterterrorism (JİTEM) cases.

JİTEM, whose existence has never been officially confirmed, is accused of perpetrating thousands of extrajudicial killings in the country's mostly Kurdish-populated regions during the conflict in the 1990s. While several cases were opened in the early 2010s against former gendarmerie and security officials, most have concluded with courts finding no such organization exists. The Dargeçit JİTEM case is the latest to end without convictions.

Killings and acquittals

In 2022, the Adıyaman 1st Heavy Penal Court acquitted 18 defendants, including former Mardin Gendarmerie Commando Battalion Commander Hurşit İmren, Dargeçit District Gendarmerie Commander Mehmet Tire, and Dargeçit Central Gendarmerie Station Commander Mahmut Yılmaz. The Gaziantep Regional Administrative Court later upheld the acquittals.

Lawyer Erdal Kuzu, representing the Human Rights Association (İHD), appealed the ruling to the Court of Cassation. The top court overturned the acquittal but simultaneously ruled unanimously to drop the case because of the statute of limitations.

Between Oct 29, 1995, and Mar 8, 1996, Davut Altınkaynak (12), Seyhan Doğan (14), Nedim Akyön (16), Mehmet Emin Aslan, Abdurrahman Olcay, Abdurrahman Coşkun, Hikmet Kaya, Süleyman Seyhan, and sergeant Bilal Batırır disappeared in Dargeçit. The remains of some victims were discovered years later. Soldiers, village guards, and sergeants were subsequently charged with premeditated murder.

Musa Anter murder case dropped due to statute of limitations

22 September 2022

Confession that led to the opening of the case

A notable development in the trial was the 2013 testimony of Muhammet Demirel, the former Mardin Gendarmerie Intelligence Branch Manager. Demirel stated that a gendarmerie intelligence team known as JİT operated in Mardin and was affiliated with the Diyarbakır Gendarmerie Intelligence Group Command.

Official documents also revealed that the coordinates of caves where the bones of Nedim Akyön and Davut Altınkaynak were found matched coordinates in 1995 military reports. However, the trial court dismissed witness testimonies as hearsay and acquitted the defendants, citing a lack of "concrete and conclusive evidence beyond all doubt."

The trial, which began in Midyat in 2014, was moved to Adıyaman for security reasons and briefly transferred to the Ankara 5th Heavy Penal Court before returning to Adıyaman. During the proceedings, the court was unable to reach former prosecutor Adem Kul for testimony for a long period, only to later discover he was incarcerated as part of another investigation.

CİZRE JİTEM CASE

Court of Cassation upholds acquittal of eight accused of 21 extrajudicial killings in Diyarbakır

21 December 2021

(NÖ/VK)

Some 155 workers were killed in January, 129 in February, and 149 in March before the sharp increase in April. On average, at least six workers died every day during the past month.

Breakdown of workers

Among the killed workers last month were 14 women and three refugees.

The report highlighted a significant lack of union representation, noting that 176 of the deceased workers, or 93 percent, were non-unionized. Only 13 of those killed held union memberships.

At least five children or young people died in work-related incidents in April. Three of these victims were under the age of 14, a group legally prohibited from working, while two were between the ages of 15 and 17.

Highest fatalities in construction sector

Fatalities were concentrated in industrial hubs and regions with high agricultural or construction activity. The construction sector recorded the highest number of deaths with 48 fatalities. The agriculture and forestry sector followed with 41 deaths, while 16 workers were killed in the transportation sector.

Traffic and shuttle accidents were the primary cause of workplace deaths, mostly affecting those in the transportation and agriculture sectors. Crushing and collapses in mines, textile factories, construction sites, and metalworks were the second leading cause.

Heart attacks and brain hemorrhages, which the İSİG linked to overwork and poor living conditions across all sectors, ranked third. Falls from heights were the fourth most common cause, with 69 percent of such incidents occurring at construction sites.

Deaths in agriculture doubled

Agricultural deaths nearly doubled in April, rising to 41 from 21 in March as warmer weather increased seasonal activity. The İSİG attributed this to farmers using old tractors without protective frames and the unsafe transportation of seasonal laborers. In Burdur, seven agricultural workers were killed when their shuttle collided with a concrete tanker.

The report concluded that a lack of inspections and enforcement has turned many workplaces into sites of constant danger. In Kocaeli, three workers died at the Çolakoğlu Metalurji factory when a maintenance platform collapsed. The facility has a 20-year history marked by numerous worker injuries and deaths. (HA/VK)

Karasu brought forward allegations that the facility, which processes about 150,000 tons of animal waste annually, is causing significant damage to the local environment.

Established in 2020 on 50 decares of land, the plant has recently become the subject of numerous complaints from local residents and farmers.

'Water resources polluted'

Karasu warned that the facility is negatively impacting the region’s ecology.

"Productive agricultural lands, pastures, and water resources are being polluted," the MP representing Sivas stated in his motion addressed to Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change Minister Murat Kurum.

The motion highlighted the severity of the situation for local agriculture, noting that farmers with nearby fields are currently unable to access their own property. In a 10-point inquiry, Karasu demanded that the ministry disclose when the plant was last inspected and whether its waste management protocols meet legal standards.

"If damage has been detected, why are the necessary steps not being taken?" Karasu asked.

Beyond environmental pollution, the inquiry addressed infrastructure damage. Karasu noted that heavy vehicles used by the facility have destroyed local land roads, further increasing the burden on the community.

The MP called for immediate government intervention to address the mounting grievances.

"Will an urgent action plan be prepared for the solution of this environmental problem in Şarkışla? Or will the local people be left to their fate?" Karasu asked. (TY/VK)

Nature Conservation and National Parks (DKMP) teams noticed the stork feeding in a stream during hunting protection activities, according to Anadolu Agency (AA). The bird was recorded on a mobile phone by the teams. It disappeared from view after searching for food in the water for some time.

The black stork is a migratory species belonging to the Ciconiidae family that mostly lives in forested areas away from humans. Unlike the white stork, it avoids settlements, making it more difficult to observe.

Stork Yaren reunites with fisherman friend for 15th year in Bursa 'stork village'

27 February 2026

The species generally feeds on fish, frogs, and small vertebrates in streams, lakes, and wetlands. Turkey is located on the migration routes of the black stork, which can be observed during its passage particularly in the spring and autumn months.

Due to its relatively low population and shrinking habitats, the black stork is considered a species in need of protection in many regions. (TY/VK)

The court stated that the evidence used to justify the detention of the two applicants on charges of "membership in a terrorist organization" did not constitute a strong suspicion of guilt. It ordered the state to pay 200,000 liras in non-pecuniary damages to each applicant.

Livan Orman, a member of the HDP Party Assembly, and Ahmet Bayazit, a member of the HDP Youth Assembly, were detained on Jul 29, 2022, as part of an investigation by the İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. The İstanbul 3rd Penal Court of First Instance ordered their arrest on Aug 1, 2022. They were later released under judicial control measures by the İstanbul 25th Heavy Penal Court on Sep 7, 2022.

Peaceful event

In its evaluation of Livan Orman’s case, the Constitutional Court examined an HDP Beşiktaş district branch event held on Jun 16, 2019. The court noted there was no concrete evidence that the event was not peaceful, involved violence, or was organized under instructions from an illegal organization.

The ruling emphasized that there was no evidence Orman shouted slogans, carried banners, or directed participants during the event. The court added it was unclear how his participation in an event three years prior could serve as a concrete basis for a detention order.

The court also addressed messages sent by Orman, including the phrase "Come here, we need to get something." It ruled that interpreting this statement as evidence of illegal activity was based entirely on assumptions. The court noted that no concrete data showed Orman used applications like WhatsApp, Instagram, or Telegram for organizational motives.

Regarding Ahmet Bayazit, the court reviewed personal notes found in his home. The court found these documents supported the defense that they were personal notes regarding an HDP Youth Assembly congress held in Diyarbakır in 2021.

Unsubstantiated accusations

The ruling stated that while the notes contained critical expressions, they did not directly encourage violence or glorify terrorist acts. The court held that personal notes found in a home that were not shared with the public could not be reasonably interpreted as a link between Bayazit and an illegal organization.

The court also dismissed the claim that Bayazit’s presence in a Telegram group titled "2nd Region Youth Assembly" constituted evidence for arrest. It noted there was no finding that the group belonged to an illegal youth structure rather than the HDP. His membership alone, without proof of organizing violent activities, did not meet the threshold for strong suspicion of a crime.

The court concluded that the prosecution failed to establish the necessary legal grounds for the detentions.

"It has been concluded that the strong indication that a crime was committed, which is required for detention, was not sufficiently demonstrated by the investigative authorities for either applicant," the court stated.

The court ruled that the right to liberty and security under the third paragraph of Article 19 of the Constitution was violated. Bayazit and Orman will each receive 200,000 liras in compensation. (HA/VK)

Toprak, a 30-year civil servant, has already been under an administrative investigation allegations of workplace harassment and insulting religious values. However, no measures were taken against him until publications by the daily Yeni Akit. The Bursa Family and Social Services Provincial Directorate suspended Toprak on Apr 29.

According to BirGün, the campaign stemmed from Sarya Toprak’s reporting on Gülistan Doku, a woman whose disappearance case was reopened six years later and led to high-profile arrests last month, including the then-governor of Tunceli (Dersim), where the incident happened.

Following these reports, Yeni Akit columnist Zekeriya Say continuously targeted Sarya Toprak and her family. Say shared information regarding Hasan Toprak’s workplace, his membership in the left-wing Confederation of Public Employees' Trade Unions (KESK), and his union activities.

He tagged the police, the Bursa Governor’s Office, and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) Bursa organization on social media, calling for action against Toprak.

While smear campaigns by pro-government media and social media circles have triggered numerous judicial investigations in recent years, this marks the first time a journalist’s family has been singled out in such a manner.

After her father was suspended, Sarya Toprak addressed the issue on social media: 

"Following this harassment, my father, a public employee of 30 years, was removed from his post by a sudden decision. What kind of law punishes a father because of his daughter's reporting? They are trying to discipline me through my family and my family through their jobs. I will never remain silent against these illegalities and what is being done to my family."

Response from unions

KESK Bursa Spokesperson Derviş Erdem stated that the suspension lacks a legal basis. Erdem noted that Hasan Toprak was the only administrator at the Bursa Family and Social Services Provincial Directorate who was a member of KESK.

"For this reason, they removed him from his post based on fabricated grounds. First, a newspaper targets someone, and then the provincial directorates and the governor’s office quickly take a position. We have seen this very clearly again in this incident."

DİSK Basın-İş press union described the pressure on the reporter’s family as an unacceptable illegality. The union stated that the suspension of Hasan Toprak was "not only an individual grievance but a clear practice of intimidation and punishment."

Erol Önderoğlu, the Turkey representative for Reporters Without Borders (RSF), also called for the decision to be reversed. "After the scandalous pressure on journalists, is it now the turn of their families?" Önderoğlu asked, describing the suspension as unconscionable. (HA/VK)

Journalism enters another World Press Freedom Day in Turkey under the threat of uniformity. Particularly the arrests of Alican Uludağ and İsmail Arı following Merdan Yanardağ have more sharply revealed the destruction caused by the politicization of the judiciary to journalism rights in the last three months.

The BİA Media Monitoring Report covering the Jan - Feb - Mar 2026 period shows that Article 217/A of the Turkish Penal Code (TCK) regarding "publicly spreading misleading information" (disinformation) functioned as one of the primary tools for keeping journalists under judicial harassment during the process where Alican Uludağ and İsmail Arı, as well as magazine journalist Bilal Özcan and journalist Murat Kemaneci from Antalya Kemer, were arrested, and Furkan Karabay was kept under house arrest for a two-month period. Indeed, the regulation cited in the investigation where journalists Yavuz Oğhan, Şaban Sevinç, and Ruşen Çakır were kept under a foreign travel ban within the scope of the İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) case was none other than 217/A.

While 29 media representatives were formally arrested last year, three were kept under house arrest and 58 were taken into custody. In early 2026, especially the imprisonment of Alican Uludağ and İsmail Arı shows that the government may once again resort to harsher and more strategic moves to break the influence of critical media as a new election process approaches.

Journalist and TELE1 editor-in-chief Merdan Yanardağ, who was arrested on Oct 27, 2025, will begin to be tried on "political espionage" allegations at the İstanbul 25th Heavy Penal Court on May 11. In the last three months, journalists Enver Aysever and Can Taşkın from Nevşehir were released.

13 journalists and one cartoonist detained

In the last three months, at least 13 journalists and one cartoonist were detained on grounds such as "insulting the president," "publicly spreading misleading information," "violation of the Military Prohibited Zones Law," "organization propaganda," "incitement to commit a crime," and "violation of the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations." The detention process in Turkey continues to serve the purposes of delegitimizing and punishing journalists.

For example, French journalist Raphaël Boukandoura was detained on the evening of Jan 19 while monitoring protests organized in İstanbul Sarıgazi upon the call made by the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, pro-Kurdish, and was released from the Removal Center two days later. Cartoonist Öznur Kalender also experienced detention at the Ankara Train Station due to "insulting the president" charges regarding a cartoon he drew.

Attacks on four local journalists; threats widespread

In the first three months of 2026, at least four journalists were attacked by local politicians and law enforcement officers in Aydın, Ankara, and Şanlıurfa Suruç, while another faced an attempted attack in Kocaeli. Among these journalists, Durmuş Tuna was wounded in the leg during an armed attack by a local politician in Aydın Söke, while at least six media representatives faced threats in both online and offline spaces.

In addition to Murat Ağırel and Özlem Gürses, exiled journalist Erk Acarer, Kocaeli Şehir newspaper managing editor Zehra Korucuoğlu, journalist Mücahit Tarlan from Bitlis, and Evrensel newspaper reporter Bahar Emreoğlu were the journalists who received threats during this period. Özlem Gürses filed a criminal complaint, announcing that she was subjected to a systematic lynch campaign on social media due to a broadcast on Sözcü TV where she presented news regarding Israel's attacks on Gaza.

Victims, not the state, lead the fight against impunity

It took 32 years for the judiciary and authorized institutions to think of investigating the whereabouts of the bomber and his family who placed the bomb in the vehicle of investigative journalist and Cumhuriyet newspaper writer Uğur Mumcu, causing his death. While the Pelitli Group in Trabzon and "security officers who paved the way for the murder on behalf of FETÖ" were punished regarding the 2007 assassination of Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink, those who prepared the ground for the murder by targeting Dink through actions, programs, and statements were left untouched.

Regarding the fatal attack on journalist Hakan Tosun, known for his environmental reporting and documentaries, in İstanbul Esenyurt on the night of Oct 10, 2025, two defendants will be tried for "intentional murder" at the Bakırköy 17th Heavy Penal Court on May 6. The investigation has not yet revealed whether Tosun was targeted due to his journalism activities.

Two positive developments occurred during this period: two defendants, who were acquitted the following year due to "lack of evidence" regarding a 2023 armed attack against journalist Yaman Kaya from Bursa, will be retried at the Bursa Heavy Penal Court on Jun 17. On the other hand, journalist Sibel Yükler won a lawsuit against the administration, which was ordered to pay 22,000 liras in compensation because she was subjected to a strip search in detention. The release of İsa Can Biler, who was being tried under arrest for allegedly firing 10 shots at the İzmir office of Evrensel newspaper on the night of Aug 13, 2025, after only three months and before all aspects of the attack were investigated, caused a reaction from newspaper officials and lawyers. Açık Radyo officials, whose license was confiscated due to a broadcast in which a listener referred to the "Armenian genocide," also applied to the Council of State after failing to achieve results from their previous initiatives.

10 acquittals in three months, sentences for three journalists

In the last three months, dozens of journalists, cartoonists, and media representatives were tried with prison sentences requested under the Turkish Penal Code (TCK), the Anti-Terror Law (TMK), and Law No. 2911 on Meetings and Demonstrations.

In the last three months, eight journalists (Elif Akgül, Engin Deniz İpek, Orhan Bursalı, Feyza Nur Çalıkoğlu, İnan Ketenciler, Dinçer Gökçe, Nilay Can, and Veysi Dündar) were acquitted in cases where they were tried on grounds such as "spreading personal data," "publicly spreading misleading information," "organization membership," and "violation of the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations." On the other hand, a prison sentence of 3 months and 22 days given without a hearing to Sendika news site official Ali Ergin Demirhan for a Charlie Hebdo report published nine years ago was increased to five months in prison at the end of a hearing held following an appeal.

Two journalists (Barış Terkoğlu and Evrim Kepenek) were convicted due to reports they authored and on allegations of "slander" or "insult." Terkoğlu was sentenced to 1 year and 15 days in prison for his article titled "They are preparing to eliminate İmamoğlu," while Kepenek, who brought allegations of abuse against a six-year-old child to the agenda, was given a judicial fine of 3,000 liras by a decision of the İzmir Selçuk penal court of first instance.

"Erdoğan" cases for 17 journalists and illustrators, 80 convictions in 11 years

Arbitrary cases regarding "insulting the president" charges against journalists in Turkey continued in the last three months with the trials of at least 17 journalists and cartoonists (Deniz Yücel, Sedef Kabaş, Baransel Ağca, Erk Acarer, Julien Serignac, Gerard Biard, Laurent Sourisseau, "Alice," Mehmet Tezkan, İbrahim Kahveci, Suat Toktaş, Ramazan Yurttapan, Haydar Ergül, Zafer Arapkirli, Hakkı Boltan, Doğan Pehlevan, and Rüstem Batum).

While no conviction decisions were encountered under this article in the last three-month period, journalist Zafer Arapkirli was acquitted in the first trial, and Sedef Kabaş was acquitted after the Court of Cassation’s reversal decision. Indeed, the 4th Penal Chamber of the Court of Cassation also ruled in favor of journalist Özgür Boğatekin, who had been sentenced to 1 year, 2 months, and 17 days in prison by a decision of the Gerger penal court of first instance due to social media posts.

Ultimately, Article 299 of the TCK created the basis for the trial of over 250 journalists and the conviction of at least 80 (some with suspended sentences) to prison or fines during President Erdoğan's 11-year term. Neither the 2016 Venice Commission recommendation nor the ECtHR’s October 2021 "Vedat Şorli" conviction against Turkey could, unfortunately, prevent journalists from being harassed with arbitrary cases in the intervening time.

Four journalists and three media outlets face 4 million 650 thousand liras in lawsuits

In the first three months of the year, at least five journalists and three media outlets were being tried in civil courts of first instance or commercial courts for a total of 4 million 650 thousand liras in compensation. The cases, based on published news, investigations, and columns, were filed following applications by Selçuk Bayraktar, Serhat Albayrak, Bilal Erdoğan, Berat Albayrak, Halkbank, and İris İnşaat.

Censorship of 242 news and journalism contents

While European Union countries have recently moved forward with many positive arrangements and regulations, such as the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) for public broadcasting and the Digital Services Act for the protection of digital rights in media, authorities in Turkey were busy making 242 news and journalism contents, aimed at informing the public, invisible or deleted in the online space during the Jan - Mar 2026 period. The most widespread censorship in this period was directed at the report "They turned the state into a toy for the nephew" by Timur Soykan from BirGün newspaper and related journalism posts.

During this period, when negotiations conducted within the scope of the Kurdish issue faced difficulties, access bans were imposed on the X accounts of journalist Mahmut Bozarslan, Yeni Yaşam newspaper, and VOA Kurdish in the name of "national security and public order."

Additionally, press card discrimination against journalists in the İBB case, the prevention of media representatives from attending hearings in the trial regarding protests against Nurettin Yıldız, and bans on entry to the İstanbul Çağlayan Courthouse based on "verbal instructions from the prosecutor's office" were among the examples of the instrumentalization of procedures and authorities to restrict press freedom.

State convicted as applications reach Constitutional Court

The Constitutional Court, which continues to be a point of appeal against heavy pressures on the duty to inform, is being petitioned by journalist Alican Uludağ regarding his arbitrary detention and by Furkan Karabay regarding the prevention of his journalism activities through a house arrest decision.

Journalist Ruşen Takva, whose X social media account with 67,000 followers has been closed to access since a trustee was appointed to the Van Metropolitan Municipality, found his only recourse in seeking his rights by applying to the Constitutional Court through his lawyer. Exiled journalist and author Can Dündar is also waiting for a decision from the Constitutional Court, where he applied on Dec 9, 2024, regarding his X account with over 5 million followers being made inaccessible from Turkey in the name of "national security and public order."

In the last three months, within the scope of two applications, the Constitutional Court ruled for the payment of 34,000 liras in non-pecuniary damages to Gençağa Karafazlı, the owner and journalist of the Kuzeyteve.com site, and 2,500 liras to KRT.

Moderate RTÜK continues to issue fines

The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) has appeared as a more moderate institution under the chairmanship and spokesmanship of Mehmet Daniş since Oct 2025, especially considering the provocative outbursts of his predecessor Ebubekir Şahin. However, this situation does not prevent the issuance of heavy administrative fines, particularly to critical channels. During the Jan, Feb, and Mar period, RTÜK issued a total of three administrative fines and one warning to TV outlets due to news and program broadcasts. The council imposed a total of 1,472,177.00 liras in administrative fines on TV outlets.

Additionally, during this period, following Fatih Altaylı, Flu TV, Cumhuriyet TV, and BirGün TV, the institution warned TELE2 Haber to apply for a license within 72 hours.

31 lost jobs in three months

In the last three months, at least 31 journalists, producers, presenters, and editorial staff members were terminated, citing transformations and disagreements in editorial policy. (EÖ/HA/VK)

Monthly inflation increased by 4.18%, bringing the total rise since December to 14.64%. The figures indicate challenges for the Central Bank’s year-end target, which was maintained at 16% in the latest inflation report.

Rising global energy costs linked to conflict involving Iran and supply concerns in the Strait of Hormuz impacted the data. These pressures reflected in Turkey through increased costs in transportation, housing, and food.

Global energy geopolitics in the grip of Hormuz and Turkey

2 March 2026

Shar increase in housing prices

Housing, water, electricity, and gas prices saw the highest monthly jump at 7.99%. On an annual basis, this category rose by 46.60%.

Transportation prices followed with a 35.06% annual increase, while food and non-alcoholic beverages rose by 34.55%.

Turkey introduces fuel price buffer system amid Hormuz crisis

5 March 2026

The 12-month average used for calculating rent increases was recorded at 32.43%. Out of 174 sub-categories covered in the index, prices rose in 147 areas, remained unchanged in eight, and decreased in 19.

 (HA/VK)

During the meeting, special representatives for the Turkey-Armenia normalization process, Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan, signed a memorandum of understanding for the restoration of the Ani Bridge located on the border of the two countries.

Yılmaz shared details of the meeting on social media, expressing satisfaction with the progress in the normalization efforts between the two countries.

"During our meeting with Mr. Pashinyan, we comprehensively assessed our bilateral relations. We also had the opportunity to discuss steps to strengthen transportation, customs, energy, and digital infrastructure and connectivity.

"We are also pleased that the mutual constructive steps taken during the normalization process have yielded tangible progress.

"We believe that symbolic and concrete areas of cooperation, such as the joint restoration of the Ani Bridge, which we formalized today with a memorandum of understanding, will contribute to a lasting environment of peace and trust."

Journey through Anatolia's medieval history: New app offers virtual exploration of Ani

10 June 2023

The vice president emphasized the significance of the restoration project for regional stability.

"We believe that symbolic and concrete areas of cooperation, such as the joint restoration of the Ani Bridge which we signed with a memorandum of understanding today, will contribute to an environment of permanent peace and security," Yılmaz said.

Yılmaz added that Turkey would resolutely maintain its approach toward advancing normalization in the South Caucasus, increasing economic cooperation, and strengthening contacts between the two peoples based on regional peace, dialogue, and stability. He concluded by thanking Pashinyan for his hospitality.

Footage published by the local outlet Med Gündem shows security personnel and riot police surrounding Diagne as he posed with the flag. He has been a fan favorite and a key player for the club, completing the league as the top goalscorer.

The Senegalese flag consists of green, yellow, and red vertical stripes with a green star in the center, which the officers confused with the symbols of the now-dissolved Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK).

In the 29-second video, individuals, including an Amedspor board member, are heard shouting, "Chief, that is Senegal," and "It is his own flag," to stop the police from detaining the player:

Amedspor ve ligin gol kralı Mbaye Diagne, Iğdır’da maçın bitiş düdüğü ile ülkesi Senegal’in bayrağı ile poz vermek isterken, bayrağı yasadışı sanan Emniyet Müdürü ve korumaları müdahale etti. Amedspor yöneticisi Nihat Salmış araya girdi. pic.twitter.com/q7pmwleuFz

— Ferit ASLAN (@aslanferit21) May 4, 2026

Iğdır Security Director Niyazi Turgay was seen at the scene during the scuffle. A person in the video also attempted to block cameras from filming the encounter.

Amedspor fined over Kurdish-language chest sponsor tagline

30 September 2025

The Iğdır Security Directorate had shared images of Turgay inspecting security measures at the stadium before the match. In a social media post, the department stated that the police chief monitored the game from the stands to ensure the match took place in a safe environment.

Amedspor holds a distinct place in Turkey's football due to openly embracing its Kurdish identity, which has led to harassment during many matches.

Bursaspor handed nine-game stadium fan ban after racist attacks on Amedspor

10 March 2023

(VC/VK)

The advertisement, set inside a Bosch store, featured a conversation between two women about motherhood. The plot revealed that the women were referring to their pets as children, using phrases such as "They are just children."

The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) launched an investigation into the ad titled "A complete mother story."

RTÜK chair Mehmet Daniş stated on written statement that while compassion for animals is part of Turkish culture, stretching the concept of the mother-child bond for commercial concerns is unacceptable.

"Article 41 of our Constitution defines the basic elements of the family: mother, father, and child," Daniş said. He added that any positioning outside these devalues the concept of motherhood.

Family and Social Services Minister Mahinur Göktaş also criticized the campaign.

She said on social media that while every form of love is valuable, motherhood is a value that should not be "trivialized for communication strategies."

"Motherhood is not a communication construct, but the carrier of a generation and a future," Göktaş wrote. 

Bosch Turkey has removed the video from its social media accounts and official channels. The company has not yet released a statement regarding the decision. (VK)

Spain's state-run news agency EFE reported that the Airbus A310 official aircraft landed in the Turkish capital following a technical problem during the flight.

The fault was not significant, but the landing was carried out in line with protocols, according to the report. The PM will spend the night in Turkey's capital and is expected to travel to Yerevan later today.

This is the second aircraft issue Sanchez has faced recently. On Sep 4, a Falcon type aircraft carrying him had to return to Madrid mid-air due to a technical failure. That incident prevented his physical attendance at a meeting regarding Ukraine in Paris, where he participated via an internet connection instead.

CHP deputy suggests Israeli involvement in crash of Libyan military jet in Ankara

13 April 2026

(VK)

Intense migration to large cities brings issues such as infrastructure, the environment, and housing to the forefront of countries' agendas. While social problems like poverty, unemployment, and violence cause serious disruptions in the social system, central and local governments are forced to find proper solutions through new approaches.

Furthermore, maintaining social peace in urban areas with diverse ethnic and religious groups constitutes a common challenge for all cities. The main approach to managing ethnic and religious diversity needs to be inclusive and requires designing local policies developed through consultations with councils representing different social groups. This approach calls for community-driven initiatives and inclusive urban planning. Beside these initiatives, implementing anti-discrimination laws, recognizing religious holidays, and establishing permanent multicultural consultative community committees are expected to help maintain social peace.

On the other hand, it is observed that in some regions of the world that have experienced long periods of violent conflicts and wars, social unrest and conflicts still continue openly or covertly. In such cases, responsibility for peace cannot be attributed to national governments alone, although governments hold the primary power to regulate the transition process. Local authorities also have considerable potential in the reconciliation of different community groups at the local level and the reconstruction of the social system to bring peace. In other words, local authorities can play a critical role in peacebuilding processes by mobilizing civil society organizations and local peace committees.

The concept of democracy, after many years of experience and research in political science, has seen "representative government" replaced by the concept of "participatory democracy." This approach has brought about a change that emphasizes local governments, which are the basic service units closest to the people. In short, it has brought to the agenda the expansion of the powers of local governments or autonomy within the framework of contemporary democratic values.

Briefly, local democracy necessitates the transfer of certain administrative authorities to local councils and municipalities to enable the people to govern themselves through representation and active participation. The defining elements of local democracy include regular elections, citizen participation, accountability of local authorities, and financial autonomy. Historical observation teaches us that by bringing decision-making processes closer to the people, local authorities have proven to be efficient units able to find appropriate solutions to local needs.

The dimensions of the problems experienced today, the development of the understanding of democracy, and raised expectations from governments have forced societies to develop a new understanding of administration called governance. Instead of the established strong centralized administration model, "governance" encourages the participation of civil and non-governmental democratic organizations in decision-making and oversight processes.

In Turkey, as the traditional and well-established centralist administration has wide popular recognition, it reminds of the necessity of transferring some powers to local authorities to develop a democratic culture. Local governments, as the units closest to the people, possess characteristics that encourage public participation and help to develop public responsibilities, political awareness, and a sense of responsibility.

Therefore, local governments are of special importance as they are effective in developing a democratic culture by bringing governance closer to citizens, facilitating direct participation, and fostering accountability. They fulfill a mission as a "school of democracy" where citizens learn to exercise their rights and responsibilities.

In local authorities, due to the availability of close observation, it is easier for citizens to hold local officials accountable, reduce corruption, and maintain a well-performing and transparent administration. Transferred power and autonomy enable local authorities to be more effective in tailoring specific solutions to community needs. This means local authorities can better include minorities and disadvantaged groups in decision-making processes, policy design, and the provision of services tailored to local differences. In other words, local authorities can supply more relevant and trusted public services compared to centralized governments.

When we look at the development of autonomy in Europe, we see that city-states served as the basic governmental units of the medieval and early modern periods. These units contributed significantly to the economic rise and public institutional development of Europe. These autonomous cities emerged as centers of self-governance within the feudal structure of much of Europe.

By the 19th century, most city-states were incorporated into larger national units or states, such as during the Italian and German unifications. Briefly, the tradition of city-state autonomy made a serious impact on modern European governance. The last two decades have seen a significant increase in local autonomy, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. Today, European countries in principle recognize power-sharing with autonomous regions and federal structures to balance local needs with national unity.

Turkey has a very strong, deeply rooted centralist public administration tradition, which is a key feature of its governance structure, often described as a "strong state." This centralist structure, developed particularly during the "classical" period of the Ottoman Empire, can be described by a sultanate, a strong bureaucracy, and direct control over provinces. The centralist tradition was reinforced during the establishment of the Republic in 1923, prioritizing national unity and territorial integrity over local autonomy.

The constitutional tradition developed during the Republican period followed the same political principle, with "integral unity" recognized as the key principle of public administration. All constitutions, including the 1982 Constitution, are structured on the concept of the "integral unity of the administration," ensuring that all administrative units act under strict hierarchical control of the center.

Furthermore, local governments and municipalities operate under strict administrative tutelage of the central government, which limits their decision-making and acts in many cases as an approval authority. Central administrative institutions, such as ministries, are primarily located in Ankara, and provincial administrations and governorships are established as local branches of the central government.

On the other hand, it is easily observed that the centralist tradition has not changed, despite the obligations of joining the European system and democratization processes. The conservative and centralist tradition continues to be effective in shaping policies and acts relevant to public administration and local authorities.

In recent years, the increased pressure and supervisory function of the central authority has been observed, alongside acts issued aimed at weakening the autonomy of local governments. Recent changes regarding the administrative structure and local authorities have been far from contributing to the development of local governance and the culture of local democracy. On the contrary, they have significantly strengthened governorships and provincial special administrations as local units of the central government, while weakening local authorities and excluding civil society.

Participatory and pluralistic governance primarily necessitates the strengthening of local governments through a democratic approach and the participation of civil society organizations in local governance processes. It is also accepted that the development of local democratic structures and a democratic culture from the grassroots level will enable governments to make effective and efficient use of local resources.

In Turkey, the fundamental principles regarding local governments, as defined in Article 127 of the Constitution, essentially recognize the "principle of decentralization" and the "administrative oversight authority of the central government." However, the principle of decentralization is not sufficiently clarified, and its limits are not clear enough to make a definitive judgment. It is also observed through implementation that this formulation of the article allows political leaders to limit this principle according to their discretion and political considerations.

Criticisms from Europe regarding local authorities

The section of the AK Party program summarizing its policies on local governments states that contemporary local democracy principles will be implemented. It describes a well-developed democratic approach to autonomy, including the removal of reservations placed on the European Charter of Local Self-Government. In short, although the AK Party declared a commitment to local government autonomy and democracy in line with European standards, in the last two decades the country has experienced the most restrictive interventions on local authorities in the Republican period.

On the other hand, the compatibility of the country's public structure and local governments with the European system is a common interest and strategic priority for both the Council of Europe and the European Union. Both regularly monitor the compatibility of local autonomy with European standards, particularly with the Charter of Local Self-Government. Criticisms in recent reports indicate that Turkey's commitments to the principles contained in relevant agreements have not been observed, despite the commitment to the accession process to the European system.

The EU Commission's 2025 Report states that the functioning of Turkey’s democratic institutions continues to be severely disrupted. It notes that democratic regression persists, particularly in important areas such as the rule of law and local governments. The report highlights structural flaws in the presidential system, the problem of the separation of powers between the executive and the judiciary, the lack of effective checks and balances, and the inability to hold the government accountable except through elections. Furthermore, the report criticizes the highly politicized public administration, the prosecution and removal of elected opposition mayors, and the appointment of government-appointed trustees, stating these constitute serious violations of local democracy.

In 2025, alongside the Council of Europe, international human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International also raised concerns about human rights violations and severely criticized policies and practices targeting local governments. In particular, the practice of replacing democratically elected mayors with government-appointed trustees is heavily criticized. The report notes accusations of corruption against Republican People’s Party (CHP) mayors, particularly the mayor of İstanbul. It also highlights the removal from office of almost all Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) mayors through politically motivated decisions, their subsequent prosecution on terrorism charges, arrests, and convictions. These actions are criticized as politically motivated decisions that constitute a serious violation of both obligations to Europe and the Constitution. (NT/VK)

The match was broadcast live on outdoor screens in Diyarbakır. Fans experienced great joy following the result.

Amedspor footballer Çağrı Fedai could not hold back his tears during a flash interview after the match. He said they lived through very difficult days and had always dreamed of this moment. While the interview was ongoing, Amedspor players entered the area chanting slogans to celebrate.

Later contining his statement, Fedai said, "This was my fourth championship in this league, but this was the most meaningful. This is because we had never experienced such difficulties in any of the others."

Striker Mbaye Diagne, the team's key player who scored a penalty today, said he was very happy to keep his promise and help the club reach the Süper Lig. A former Galatasaray player, Diagne said that he looks forward to competing in the Süper Lig again.

'Slav Süper Lig'

The club celebrated its success with a social media post featuring an animated video and the caption "Slav Süper Lig," which means "Hello Süper Lig" in Kurdish.

Matches across the league started simultaneously at 4.00 pm local time (GMT+3). Amedspor’s closest rival for the second spot, Erokspor, also recorded a draw against Pendikspor in their home game. Both teams finished with the same number of points after 38 matchdays, but Amedspor came on top due to their superior head-to-head record.

Erzurumspor had previously secured the 1. Lig championship.

The third team to be promoted to the top tier will be determined following playoff matches between the next four teams in the standings.

Congratulations from Erdoğan and 'Big Three'

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan congratulated Amedspor with a message shared on social media:

"I sincerely congratulate Amedspor, the entire Amedspor community, and my brothers and sisters from Diyarbakır, who will represent our Diyarbakır in the Trendyol Süper Lig next season, and I wish them success."

Tülay Hatimoğulları, co-leader of the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, also congratulated the club:

"I congratulate Amedspor from the bottom of my heart for their promotion to the Süper Lig. Today, they brought joy not only to Amed but to everyone who believes in labor, faith, and solidarity. The people of Amed, along with their fans and friends, played a leading role in this victory with tremendous support throughout the season. Long may they live! May this success be the beginning of even greater journeys... Her bijî Amedspor!"

The three largest clubs in Turkey, Fenerbahçe, Galatasaray and Beşiktaş, known as the "Big Three," also extended congratulations to Amedspor in messages quoting their post.

Trendyol Süper Lig'e yükselen @amedskofficial’u tebrik ederiz. 👏 https://t.co/VJJrN3x9RO

— Fenerbahçe SK (@Fenerbahce) May 2, 2026

Kurdish identity

Amedspor was promoted to the 1. Lig as the 2023-24 TFF 2. League Red Group champion. Despite hiring former Fenerbahçe and national team coach Ersun Yanal and signing several former Süper Lig players, the team finished the previous 1. Lig season in ninth place last year.

Amedspor has faced racial harassment during matches across the country due to its explicit embrace of Kurdish identity. While various teams from Kurdish regions have competed in the upper leagues of Turkey, Amedspor maintains a distinct position for its cultural stance.

Bursaspor handed nine-game stadium fan ban after racist attacks on Amedspor

10 March 2023

The current period of increased investment in the club coincides a Kurdish peace process that is currently underway.

The club was founded in 1972 and adopted the name Amedspor in 2014. (VK)

But now there is no food, just half naked miners pleading to be paid. A once beautiful sight is now ugly. Having not been paid for 6 months, they are reduced to rubble. A miner holds out a very basic shopping list from his wife to the media. Potatoes, onions, tomatos, the child wanting a small toy as well. But he and his colleagues have nothing. Their faces are contorted in grief, rage, disbelief. They are like tortured animals hemmed in behind police lines. Not eating, their eyes burning with pepper spray. They can’t go back home with nothing, proud people, they are like lambs too the slaughter. It is now 14.15pm.

Yesterday Galatasaray gloriously won the İstanbul derby, and I attended my local football teams’ game, who have a real chance of making the play-offs. The crowd, as ever where I live, are kind and courteous to me. I feel a responsibility and duty to stand with my people. That is why I am angry and I fear the rest of this article will just be full of colourful swear words, maybe ones translated from Turkish, which are simply the best. 

5:15pm. The shirtless miners are sitting down, the sun burning their skin. There is a loose police presence. 

They are banging the floor with their helmets rhythmically, summoning up mother nature to come to their aid. 

Sunset 

I find out that this is their 8th day of hunger strike and they sleep in the park each night.

I naively hoped -thought- they would have a bed, shower and food each night. But they wait patiently just to be allowed to protest outside of the ministry. 

Some may say the mining company has offered them something and that should be that.

But, as the day fades, I see them not wanting to be there, not reduced to this, wanting to hold their love ones and to kiss the  head of his son holding the toy he promised him.

There is Dignity in Labour, and that’s why they are there.

Epitaph

The following day was like the confetti that was thrown over us where the miners sit now. Little bits of paper and Chinese whispers circled in the wind. Somebody told somebody else that they would be paid. Nobody knew who this somebody was and the night was drawing in, the police remained and the miners’ bank balances remained, empty.

Wait... Wait… Wait…

Stop all the clocks…

It’s 7pm on Tuesday the 28th of April 2026 and the deal is done. Blood sweat and tears have won the day and no more. The shopping list will be bought and the children will have their toys and fathers back. As it should always have been. It’s just some people are just so fuckin wrong & mean. 

(*I did say I’d swear.)

But by midday, this glimpse of the past vanishes, as the landmark neighborhood transforms into one of İstanbul’s busiest tourism corridors—crowded, commercial, and increasingly challenging for the people who have built their lives and businesses there.

Few places in İstanbul reveal the city’s contradictions as sharply as Galata—heritage and speculation, creativity and consumption, belonging and displacement. Over the past half-century, it has shifted from a working-class and bohemian district of migrants, artisans, and long-established minority families into a global destination shaped by gentrification, social media trends, and relentless foot traffic. 

Stories of three long-time Galata business owners trace the transformation from different angles: Bayram, who arrived in the 1970s and moved from the fruit trade into the café economy; Sertaç, whose clothing boutique flourished during a quieter, more creative period; and Fatih, a graphic artist seeking to create a Galata legacy through a museum dedicated to İstanbul’s street cats. Their stories explore what it takes to adapt and reinvent in a neighborhood where survival is never guaranteed.

The Patriarch: Bayram Sezgin and the Old Days of Galata

Bayram was twelve years old and orphaned when he arrived in İstanbul from Siirt in 1974. Accompanied by his four brothers, the Sezgin siblings went straight to work on the streets of Galata.

“We first started selling fruit from handcarts in the square,” recalls Bayram, now sixty-five. 

Selling fruit was a common path for Kurdish migrants from Siirt, many of whom followed one another into the wholesale produce trade centered around Unkapanı. The handcart business proved lucrative, and before long the brothers opened a physical shop in the Selimbey building. They bought the space for five thousand dollars from a local restaurant owner struggling with poor business.

Bayram paints a vivid picture of Galata in the 1970s and 80s—a neighborhood that was deeply cultured and simultaneously dangerous.

“The area was in such bad shape back then that people wouldn’t have lived here even if the apartments were offered for free.” 

Despite crime and drugs, Bayram describes Galata during that time as tight knit, diverse, and rich with culture. He remembers the Jewish fish sellers, the long-established Armenian families, the network of artisans. The neoclassical buildings may have been crumbling, but there was a unique social fabric that held the neighborhood together. 

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, architects and investors began buying and restoring many of Galata’s historic buildings, including the Selimbey building—now owned by İKSV—which housed the brothers’ first shop. When the building changed hands, they relocated to a smaller space around the corner. Rents began to rise, and the neighborhood once considered uninhabitable was suddenly seen as valuable.

From wholesale markets to café culture

For decades, Bayram’s manav shop was a neighborhood anchor, serving local residents and the modest stream of tourists on their way to the tower. But by the 2010s, Galata’s economy had shifted decisively toward tourism. As long-time residents moved out and ateliers closed, demand changed. 

“Before, people actually lived in Galata, so it was easy to sell fruit,” he explains. “But as the neighborhood evolved, I knew I had to adapt to the new market in order to survive.”

He admits that rising rents forced him to rethink his business, yet he also sees the current crowds as a source of opportunity.  In 2025, Bayram left the fruit trade behind, took over a prime space near the square on Büyük Hendek Street, and opened Rodinya Galata Café. 

“When I first came to Galata, it would have been impossible to open a café. No one would sit!” he says wryly, seated at his cafe and looking toward the crowds that now fill the square.

When he talks about the old days, it’s not with a sense of loss. Bayram prefers Galata as it is today. 

“There is peace and safety now,” he says pragmatically. “And life is better. When I was in the fruit business, we had to wake up at 6:00 a.m. to pick the best produce at the wholesale market. Running the café is easier. The foot traffic makes it more sustainable.”

He now employs sixteen people at the café, many of them young Kurds from the Siirt region.

The secret to success

Bayram attributes his decades of business success in Galata to knowing the area intimately and adjusting to each new reality. He observes that many newcomers open gift shops or cafés but struggle because they don't understand the neighborhood's rhythm. Some are forced to stay open until 3 am just to cover their costs.

When asked if he plans to retire, Bayram laughs. “Never”. His children want him to slow down, but he has no intention of stopping. He claims he has never taken a vacation in his four-decade career. 

“Hard work is my solace,” he says. “And to make it in Galata, you must love to work.”

The Fashion Pioneer: ParisTexas and the Death of Bohemia

If Bayram Sezgin set the work ethic in the Galata business community, Sertaç Haznedaroğlu provided its aesthetic soul. When she moved to Galata from Ankara in 2008, she found a low-key, unpolished enclave. 

“I chose Galata because the area was still untouched,” she says from her current pop-up shop on İlk Belediye Street. She describes the neighborhood then as quiet and bohemian, attracting artists because of its cheap rents and cavernous apartments where they could both live and work. 

“Galata Tower was still rough around the edges, managed by a neighborhood family,” she remembers. “There were ateliers everywhere—lighting shops, woodworkers, upholsterers—and no tourist shops at all. Zero.”

At that time, the customers were not really in Galata yet. But Sertaç saw the potential and opened her ParisTexas clothing boutique in a former carpenter’s space on Camekan Sokak.

“We had a steady stream of locals and tourists coming to the store, and they were all very interesting,” she recalls. The success allowed her to expand to three boutiques, each housed in a historic space she carefully renovated. 

“I loved the process of creating something new and interesting while preserving the original architecture.”

As ParisTexas gained a following, other independent designers and handmade boutiques followed her lead, setting up shops on the same narrow street. 

Commercialization and the rise of the selfie economy

Galata’s popularity was growing, drawing the attention of the municipality, which began plans to commercialize the neighborhood through fashion markets, themed streets, and visibility-driven branding campaigns. These initiatives brought more visitors, but they also altered the area’s character. 

Long-term residential housing started to get replaced by Airbnb units. Workshops, artist studios, and music stores were priced out, making way for businesses catering to a faster pace of consumption. 

“People were now coming to Galata because they saw it on social media,” Sertaç says. “This new crowd was not interested in buying fashion or handmade items. They were interested in cafés, desserts, and taking selfies.”

To survive, Sertaç branched into interior design to support the shops’ finances. By 2017, seeing the direction the neighborhood was taking and unable to keep up with rising rents, she made the decision to close. She describes the current state of Galata as a replacement—where those with significant capital are systematically displacing the independent business owners who gave the area its character.

“For the belediye, the goal was to have more visitors, more tourists,” she says. “So in their eyes, they think they did a good job. But they didn’t consider sustainability, or the quality of life for locals—the traffic, the effect the crowds would have on the hospital, the strain on infrastructure.”

The post-pandemic world

Sertaç recalls how, during COVID, shops struggled with little external support, while neighbors and business owners stepped up to help one another. Some landlords even deferred rent. 

“I didn’t know of any Galata businesses that closed,” she says. “Turkish people are good at adapting. We are used to it. If you cannot adapt, you cannot survive.”

Reflecting on the post-pandemic boom, she notes that tourism and demand have not simply returned, they have tripled. In her eyes, this hyper-commercialization has brought more than cultural loss—it has also created safety concerns. With cafés spilling onto sidewalks and streets packed to capacity, she worries about the physical limits of the neighborhood. “If something happens—like a fire—there’s nowhere to escape. It’s actually dangerous.”

Recently, Sertaç reopened ParisTexas as a five-month pop-up on Galata’s İlk Belediye Street, not far from its original location. She enjoys being back on the street, having missed the visibility of a physical shop and the daily interaction with people. But she is clear-eyed about the future. The current rent climate and Instagram-driven customer base mean that the creative community can no longer afford to call Galata home. 

“Creative people need affordable spaces, and Galata’s rents no longer allow them to live and open businesses here. So the neighborhood will continue to become more and more commercialized.”

The Curator: Fatih Dağlı and the Art of Reinvention

Fatih Dağlı of Aponia and Cat Museum İstanbul has been a business fixture of Galata for fifteen years, always holding the line for the local, creative and non-commercial.

Born in Eskişehir, Fatih moved to İstanbul in 1998 to study at İstanbul University. He worked as a graphic designer before traveling to thirty-four countries as a professional tour guide.

“Traveling was an experience that really shaped my eye for design and commerce,” he says. 

In 2009, he opened Aponia near Galatasaray with partners Orçun Cetinkaya and Yavuz Öztürk, setting out to offer something distinct from the cheap souvenirs he saw on his travels. The shop sold creative keepsakes and bold graphic T-shirts, often with a humorous, satirical edge. The business grew, with Aponia’s designs produced by the city’s vibrant small textile workshops—an industry that has since been hollowed out by rising costs and currency fluctuations.

“There was a lot of optimism in İstanbul when we first opened Aponia,” Fatih remembers. “The city had just been named 2010 European Capital of Culture. Tourism was steady, and there was a real ‘United Nations’ mix of visitors.”

The evolution of a neighborhood brand

In 2013, Fatih moved Aponia to a prime spot on Galip Dede Street, the historic artery carrying visitors from İstiklal Avenue toward Galata Tower. Little did he know that he was signing the lease just two weeks before the Gezi Park protests. But instead of dampening business, it galvanized it.

“People came to İstanbul during that time specifically because of Gezi, to support the protestors and for the ‘Occupy’ energy,” he recalls. “They were drawn to Galata and wanted to support local, creative brands—to buy small-batch designs they couldn’t find anywhere else.”

Throughout the 2010s, tourism and foot traffic increased, and his business was strong for a decade. He even felt confident enough to open a second store—in the middle of the pandemic.

“I didn’t have any government support during that time, but I had Russian tourists buying T-shirts who didn’t care about COVID and couldn’t go to Europe.”

Aponia survived the pandemic, and the first year after restrictions lifted was unexpectedly strong. But the post-COVID boom did not last. Inflation accelerated, rents sky-rocketed, and the costs to run his two locations soared. The economics of doing business in Galata were changing fast. 

“It became much more expensive to visit İstanbul, so tourists began spending differently,” he explains. “Accommodation and food absorbed more of their budgets. They didn’t have enough money to buy a T-shirt, so they bought a postcard instead.”

Fatih realized that this new economy demanded total reinvention. However, he refused to sell out his aesthetic to the fast-consumption selfie crowd now filling the streets. Instead of catering to the new market, he shuttered his Aponia storefronts and created what is perhaps the most quintessentially İstanbul project imaginable: a museum dedicated to the city's street cats.

Cat Museum Istanbul

Cat Museum Istanbul is a small-scale startup on Serdar-ı Ekrem Street that combines cat-themed art and design, a printing workshop, and a refuge for street cats. It operates as a social enterprise, with fifty percent of its profits directed towards supporting street animals.

To Fatih, the museum is a way to create meaning in a neighborhood being taken over by unchecked commercialization, a deliberate attempt to force slow culture into a fast tourism corridor. And in a district where many older forms of belonging have been displaced, he is using his space to build a sense of community beyond cheesecake and selfies.

“Aponia was a personal project,” he says. “But Cat Museum İstanbul feels more like a responsibility—a legacy.”

Despite the pressures facing the neighborhood, he remains optimistic. Pointing to Barcelona’s Gothic Quarter as a model, he imagines a future where Galata expands into a more layered ecosystem of independent shops and cultural spaces. For him, the issue is not tourism itself, but its homogenization—a narrowing of a once diverse urban identity into a single, repeatable consumption model. 

Fatih admits that the weight of running a mission-driven museum has brought a difficult economic reality, and getting ahead financially feels like a relentless game of cat and mouse. Yet he sees Cat Museum İstanbul as both a civic duty and a business.

“I’m a big İstanbul patriot,” he declares. “At the museum, I feel like a host of the Old Galata. And if guests are coming, I should prepare my house.”

For centuries, merchants have built livelihoods in the same cobblestoned streets where Bayram’s café, Sertaç’s pop-up, and Fatih’s museum stand today. But today, these independent owners are doing more than just earning a living—they’re fighting for the neighborhood’s right to remain itself. In an era of generic replacements, their decision to reinvent and remain isn't just a business model. It is a quiet, stubborn war for the soul of Galata. (TM/VK)

The Governor’s Office banned all public events in Beyoğlu, where Taksim Square is located, as well as nearby Beşiktaş, Şişli and Fatih districts. Police cordoned off Taksim Square and surrounding areas from the early morning. Metro stations and side streets in Taksim area were also closed, as well as ferries operating between the city's Asian and European sides.

Taksim Square, the historic site of May Day gatherings in İstanbul, has been closed to such events since 2012. Most labor unions and left-wing parties marked the day in designated areas on the Asian side, while some groups attempted to reach Taksim.

After some unions and political parties called for a gathering in Mecidiyeköy, Şişli, several kilometers from Taksim, Halaskargazi and Büyükdere avenues were also closed starting around the Cevahir shopping mall. Police teams and water cannon vehicles were deployed at street entrances in the area.

#1Mayıs | Mecidiyeköy'de gözaltına alınan yurttaş gözaltı aracına götürülürken "Taksim halka kapatılamaz" sloganı attı.

📹: Evrim Kepenek ( @kepenekevrimm ) pic.twitter.com/rtmNuSNWhH

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 1, 2026

Police also blocked filming of people surrounded or detained by officers by closing the area with shields. Those held inside the police cordon chanted, “Everywhere is Taksim, everywhere is resistance.”

Police later used pepper spray against the crowd that tried to march from Mecidiyeköy to Taksim.

As the confrontation continued, more than 500 people were detained, according to the Progressive Lawyers Association (ÇHD). 

#1Mayıs | Polis, Mecidiyeköy'de "Her yer Taksim her yer direniş" sloganı atan @Halkevleri üyelerini işkence ile gözaltına aldı.

📹: Evrim Kepenek ( @kepenekevrimm ) pic.twitter.com/8Qa3DucyQm

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 1, 2026

Later, police allowed members of the Workers' Party of Turkey (TİP) to read out a statement in Mecidiyeköy while excluding other groups from the area. 

Rally in Kadıköy

While Taksim was blocked, May Day was marked at a rally along the coast in Kadıköy, as unions, professional organizations, political parties and civil society groups called for labor rights, justice, peace and democracy. 

While a large crowd gathered in Kadıköy, the atmosphere lacked a corresponding level of enthusiasm. Participants simultaneously followed the developments in Taksim, with many discussing the situation or checking their phones for updates.

The event was organized by the Confederation of Progressive Trade Unions of Turkey (DİSK), the Confederation of Public Employees’ Trade Unions (KESK), the Union of Chambers of Turkish Engineers and Architects (TMMOB) and the Turkish Medical Association (TTB).

Participants formed two marches under the slogan, “Let us unite and change things for labor, justice, peace and democracy.” The DİSK, TMMOB and TTB column set out from Haydarpaşa at 11 am, while the KESK column began walking from Söğütlüçeşme simultaneously.

In addition to labor slogans, the marches chanted slogans in support of imprisoned journalists. Ecology groups also joined the procession, chanting, “Don’t touch my air, my water, my soil.”

'This system is not our destiny'

Ahead of the march, DİSK Chair Arzu Çerkezoğlu spoke to bianet that workers were in squares across Turkey.

"Today is May 1. It is the international day of unity, struggle, and solidarity for the working class. We are in the streets and squares across Turkey. All over the world, we stand in the squares alongside all our class brothers and sisters who produce all the values and beauties of this world. We are in the streets to voice our objections to the current ruling powers, and to proclaim our dreams for the future world, our goals, and our struggle.

"Today, in Turkey, amidst a process where inequality, injustice, and oppression are on the rise—a process in which millions are condemned to hunger and poverty—we are in the May 1st squares to change this system. The slogan of this May 1 is: 'Workers will unite; this system will change.' Yes, this system is not our destiny; it will certainly change. 

"We are in the squares on May 1st for a Turkey where equality, justice, peace, and brotherhood prevail, where democracy functions with all its institutions and rules, and where labor is valued. We call on everyone to stand side by side, shoulder to shoulder. Long live May 1."

#İstanbul | DİSK Genel Başkanı @ArzuCerkezoglu, Kadıköy’deki #1Mayıs yürüyüşü öncesi bianet’e konuştu: “Ülkenin dört bir yanında alanlarda, meydanlardayız.” pic.twitter.com/L0wCzA0pFr

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 1, 2026

Blockade

The routes leading to the main gathering points for two separate marches starting from Haydarpaşa and Söğütlüçeşme were blocked off with barriers. The barriers restricted the movement of both those wishing to participate in the event and people going about their daily lives. At certain points where police were directing traffic, passage was not permitted.

Participants complained that police barricades made access more difficult and created a scattered appearance. After long walks, the two march columns passed through the barricades and entered İskele Square.

#İstanbul | Kadıköy 1 Mayıs’ı

👉🏻 KESK ve bağlı sendikalar ile siyasi partiler ve demokratik kitle örgütlerinin bulunduğu Söğütlüçeşme kolunda henüz yürüyüş başlamadı.

👉🏻 Söğütlüçeşme Caddesi boyunca yerleştirilen polis bariyerleri nedeniyle yürüyüş güzergâhına ulaşımda zorluk… pic.twitter.com/ujfL7tuGXd

— bianet (@bianet_org) May 1, 2026

Political leaders in the rally area

Alongside labor organizations, the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), the Left Party (SOL Parti), the Labor Party (EMEP), the DEM Party and many democratic mass organizations were present. CHP leader Özgür Özel, İstanbul's acting mayor Nuri Aslan, and DEM co-leadet Tuncer Bakırhan attended the event.

Participants frequently chanted slogans including “There is no salvation alone, either all together or none of us,” “We will not surrender to darkness,” “Long live May Day,” “Bijî yek gulan,” “A humane life, not the minimum,” and “Bijî berxwedana karkeran.” After the chants, participants celebrated May Day by dancing halay.

CHP Chair Özgür Özel, CHP İstanbul provincial chair Özgür Çelik, İstanbul Acting Mayor Nuri Aslan, DEM Party Co-Chair Tuncay Bakırhan and DEM Party lawmaker Meral Danış Beştaş also attended the Kadıköy rally.

Opening speeches from the stage included messages of greeting and solidarity for Ekrem İmamoğlu, İstanbul's suspended and jailed mayor.

Speakers also mentioned imprisoned journalists Merdan Yanardağ, Alican Uludağ, Nedim Oruç, İsmail Arı and Pınar Gayip. A message sent on behalf of journalists was read at the rally with the words, “Journalism is not a crime.”

'We will change this order'

A joint declaration by DİSK, KESK, TMMOB and TTB was also read out. Speaking on behalf of workers, public employees, retirees, young people, women, engineers, architects and physicians, the declaration said, “We will change this order,” and called for a joint struggle for secure employment, decent wages, justice in income and taxation, peace, democracy, secularism and a democratic solution to the Kurdish issue.

After concerts by the Ruhi Su Friends Choir and Koma Vejin, a summary of the May Day groups’ joint statement was read in Turkish and Kurdish. The celebrations ended with a concert by Erdal Bayrakoğlu. (EMK/VC/VK)

In İstanbul, the governor’s office said May Day events would be allowed only in the Asian side district of Kadıköy and Kartal. Celebrations at Taksim Square, the historical site of May Day gatherings in the Beyoğlu district, will remain banned, as they have been since 2012.

To enforce the ban, entrances and exits to Taksim Square, including İstiklal and Sıraselviler Avenues, will be closed from 6 am. All side streets leading to İstiklal Avenue will also be shut.

Roads around Şişhane, including connecting routes and nearby streets, will be closed. The area around Kabataş pier and its connecting roads will also be restricted. Partial lane closures and diversions will be implemented on Barbaros Boulevard in Beşiktaş.

The governor also announced a daylong ban on demonstrations and events in districts surround Beyoğlu, including Şişli, Beşiktaş and Fatih, running from 12.01 am to 11.59 pm.

Police detain 46 in Taksim during 1977 May Day commemoration event

28 April 2026

Restrictions on public transport

Public transportation will also be affected. On the M2 metro line, Taksim and Şişhane stations will be temporarily closed. Services on the F1 Kabataş-Taksim funicular line will be suspended.

Ferry and motorboat services at Beşiktaş and Kabataş piers may face changes and restrictions. Buses and metrobuses will generally continue operating, but route changes and stop cancellations may occur depending on crowd levels.

Celebrations to take place on Asian side

While most labor unions and left-wing parties will mark the day in designated areas, some groups may attempt to reach Taksim, as is a common occurrence every May Day.

The governor’s office approved an application by two major union confederations, DİSK and KESK, as well as professional groups, to hold a program at Kadıköy Rıhtım Square. It also approved the Communist Party of Turkey’s (TKP) application for an event at Kartal Square.

The Kadıköy event is scheduled for 10 am to 5 pm, while the Kartal gathering is planned for noon to 7 pm.

The voices of those who lost their loved ones: 1 May '77 and impunity

30 April 2021

Measures in Ankara

In Ankara, the capital, roads around main gathering squares and march routes will be closed to traffic. Tandoğan, also known as Anadolu Square, and all streets leading to it will be closed.

Certain sections of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Boulevard will also be shut, while traffic flow on Kazım Karabekir Avenue will be restricted. (VK)

The ranking made Turkey the 18th worst country in the index. RSF cited the regular use of accusations such as “disinformation,” “insulting the president” and “denigrating state institutions” as tools to suppress journalism and imprison journalists.

'Disinformation law' used against 83 journalists since 2022

10 April 2026

For the first time in the history of the index, most countries worldwide are classified as being in a “difficult” or “very serious” situation. The average score of all countries reviewed has never been this low in the past 25 years.

The spread of increasingly restrictive legal regulations, particularly those linked to national security policies, has eroded the right to access information even in democracies since 2001.

The legal indicator recorded the sharpest decline this year, showing that journalism is increasingly being criminalized. A significant shift is also taking place in the Americas, where the US fell seven places in the index and many Latin American countries are being drawn into a spiral of violence and pressure. 

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

(VK)

Akış was removed from office by the Interior Ministry on Jun 3 due to the charges against him and replaced by a state-appointed trustee. The Van Regional Court of Justice 2nd Penal Chamber had previously overturned his conviction, citing procedural flaws and insufficient evidence. The appeals court noted that Kurdish speech translations were not properly conducted and that the local court failed to specify which actions constituted a crime or establish an organic link to an organization.

Thirty-one opposition mayors removed from office since 2024 elections

2 April 2026

Akış participated the hearing through videoconference from Van High Security Closed Prison. Lawyers and Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) Party lawmaker Vezir Coşkun Parlak attended the proceedings at the Hakkâri courthouse.

Akış rejected the allegations, stating that the case relied solely on secret witness testimonies without concrete evidence. "A secret witness claims I collected taxes. If such a situation existed, why was it not reported to state authorities at the time?" Akış asked. He argued that the statements were brought forward years later to seize the will of the people.

The dismissed mayor also requested that voice recordings be sent to Mardin Artuklu University for accurate translation, but the court did not grant the request. "They want to silence those they could not defeat at the ballot box through the judiciary," Akış said, describing the trial as an attack on democracy.

Erdoğan signals end to state takeovers of pro-Kurdish municipalities after PKK disbands

15 May 2025

Court maintains sentence

The court maintained its original sentence of 19 years and six months for Akış without addressing the specific evidentiary concerns raised by the appeals court. Ten other defendants were also sentenced. İzzet Belge, Hıfzullah Kansu, Kadriye İlbaş, Mikail Atan, Seyhan Şahin, and Faruk Yıldız received eight years and nine months for membership in an organization. Tahir Koç, Hüsna Sağın, and Hamdiye Çiftçi Öksüz were sentenced to six years and three months.

Following the ruling, protesters gathered in front of the courthouse. DEM Party lawmaker Parlak criticized the decision, stating that a case opened in 2009 was revived 16 years later to justify the appointment of a trustee. He described the proceedings as being based on empty indictments and unlawfully obtained records, claiming the judiciary has been politicized against the Kurdish people.

(AEK/VK)

The number of unemployed people aged 15 and over fell by 96,000 to 2.87 million in March. While the headline unemployment rate dropped, the labor underutilization rate, often referred to as broad unemployment, showed a significant increase.

The labor underutilization rate, which includes time-related underemployment, the potential labor force, and the unemployed, rose by 1.6 percentage points to 31.5% in March. The integrated rate of time-related underemployment and unemployment was estimated at 21.0%, while the integrated rate of unemployment and the potential labor force reached 20.4%.

Unemployment was estimated at 6.8% for men and 10.7% for women.

University graduates face unemployment, low wages, and work outside their field

12 August 2025

Employment increases

The number of employed persons increased by 226,000 to 32.43 million in March. The seasonally adjusted employment rate rose by 0.3 percentage points to 48.5%. This rate was 66% for men and 31.5% for women.

The total labor force grew by 129,000 people to 35.3 million during the same period. The labor force participation rate increased by 0.1 percentage points to 52.8%, recorded as 70.8% for men and 35.3% for women.

Youth unemployment

The unemployment rate for the youth population, covering the 15-24 age group, decreased by 0.5 percentage points to 15.3% in March.

Youth unemployment was estimated at 12.8% for men and 20.4% for women.

The seasonally and calendar adjusted average weekly actual working hours for those employed and at work fell by 0.8 hours to 41.7 hours in March compared to the previous month.

Turkey’s NEET rate more than twice OECD average, report reveals

16 September 2025

(HA/VK)

Köksal resumed work yesterday after the Ankara 14th Regional Administrative Court ordered her reinstatement.

The Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim-Sen) organized a welcoming ceremony for Köksal at the university’s Anıtpark Campus.

The event was attended by Köksal’s colleagues, other  signatory academics dismissed from Kocaeli University, students and representatives of various organizations.

A press conference was also held for Köksal that evening. The academic said she was able to get through the nearly 10 years she spent away from the university in a productive and resilient way thanks to all her friends, both those who attended the meeting and those who could not.

In Jan 2016, hundreds of academics issued the declaration titled “We will not be a party to this crime,” calling for an end to the conflict. Other academics later added their signatures, bringing the total number of signatories to more than 2,000. The academics were later prosecuted on charges of “terrorist propaganda.” 

A call for justice and accountability for the Academics for Peace

8 January 2026

Köksal recalled that they were outside the Kocaeli Courthouse for those who were detained four days after signing the petition on Jan 11, 2016.

She said it remained in her memory that they were together when they learned at the Karaburun Science Congress that they had been dismissed from the university under Statutory Decree No. 672 on Sep 1, 2016, and again when they were forced to empty their offices six days later.

'The university is not just four walls'

Köksal said the university was not just four walls and that she had said at the time that every place they were in was a school.

Köksal recalled that Academics for Peace had gone through a difficult period since then, facing many rights violations, including trials before heavy penal courts, passport cancellations, travel bans and unemployment. She added that some of these violations were still continuing.

Looking at the present day, Köksal said two months had passed since the Regional Administrative Court issued its favorable ruling on Feb 20. The university took the case to the Council of State, the top administrative court.

She added that her other colleagues dismissed from Kocaeli University were facing similar situations, and that 14 case files were currently pending before regional administrative courts and the Council of State.

Köksal recalled that 822 academics were tried before heavy penal courts over the peace petition and that 406 were dismissed from public service. She said the cases ended in acquittals after the Constitutional Court ruled  in 2019 that the petition fell within the scope of freedom of expression, but that this did not open the way for their return to work. 

REPORT BY HUMAN RIGHTS FOUNDATION OF TURKEY

Academics for Peace still not reinstated despite Constitutional Court ruling

27 August 2020

She added that the process before the State of Emergency Procedures Investigation Commission then began, and after the commission issued rejections, the legal struggle was taken to administrative courts.

The academic said that, to date, only reinstatement rulings for 14 academics had become final. No case from Kocaeli University had been finalized, while all remaining files were being unlawfully delayed.

'Academics for Peace': Only four reinstated among 400 purged in decade-long legal battle

30 December 2025

'An academia capable of driving transformation is possible'

Köksal said she would begin working at the university under conditions of uncertainty, while no steps had yet been taken for her other colleagues. She concluded her remarks with the following words:

“We say that ‘another academia is possible,’ one that can drive social transformation. We have worked toward this both within the four walls of universities and outside those walls. During the time I was kept away from the institution, I had the opportunity to produce work across many different disciplines, and beyond disciplines.

"Just as we have tried to establish a free environment for production wherever we have been, from today onward I will continue to do the same within the institution as much as I can.

"I would like to thank the Kocaeli branch of Eğitim-Sen, our lawyers, the organizations we established, democratic mass organizations and everyone I cannot name here for all their material, moral and legal support throughout this process.

"Our struggle and our work will continue until all our colleagues return to their posts.

"Here’s to days when our belief in building free time together grows stronger, our solidarity deepens and the paths of our founding wills remain open…”

Academic for Peace İsmail Akça: The proceedings are completely arbitrary

4 March 2024

Hakan Koçak: We were dismissed because we wanted peace

Signatory academic Hakan Koçak, who attended the welcoming ceremony for his colleague Gül Köksal, with whom he was dismissed, also spoke to bianet.

Koçak, an academic in labor economics, said he and Köksal were dismissed together on Sep 1, 2016. He said they had signed the petition to draw attention to the need for a democratic and peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue, referring to the current peace process.

Koçak noted that the rulings concerning colleagues who had begun to be reinstated were not yet final, but said he still considered them important.

Academic for Peace Mühdan Sağlam dismissed again after reinstatement

27 February 2024

Saying that the Constitutional Court had ruled that the petition they signed fell within the scope of freedom of thought, Koçak said, “All of us must be reinstated unconditionally.”

Koçak recalled that different courts had issued different rulings, and said they did not know whether the decision concerning his colleague Köksal would set an example for them. He argued that the decisive factor lay in the political sphere.

Koçak said the Academics for Peace were also among the parties to, and victims of, the current peace process. 

“We read our names in the Official Gazette in the middle of the night. There was no court ruling. No disciplinary investigation had been completed, and for 10 years we have been kept away from our students by a decision based on some people’s ideological concerns and the government’s discretion.

"We could not accept it because this was a political decision. The organization they claimed we were affiliated with has been dissolved, and now a new political decision is needed. I believe this would also show the sincerity of the process.

"If this process truly envisions a peaceful solution in Turkey, we should have returned. The current situation makes us question both the process and the government’s intentions.”

'Hope is not enough, political intervention is needed'

Koçak also said that being hopeful would not be enough, emphasizing that political actors needed to resolve the issue. He said even the status of the academics who had been reinstated remained “in limbo.”

Koçak said he missed being together with his students, adding that experiences such as the Kocaeli Solidarity Academy (KODA) had been useful in this regard. He said they had proved through this project that scientific production was not confined to the boundaries of the university, but added that he remained hopeful.

Koçak also noted that the number of reinstatements that had reached a final conclusion was very small, saying hope alone would remain insufficient unless the political institution did what it needed to do. (AY/HA/VK)

The Interior Ministry issued a statement following the two-hour meeting, noting that "the meeting at the Interior Ministry has resulted in a compromise between the parties. The workers announced that they ended the action by reaching an agreement with the employer."

The Independent Miners' Union (Bağımsız Maden-İş) announced the victory on social media following the meeting. It cancelled planned protests in İstanbul and Ankara, stating they would instead hold a celebration in Kurtuluş Park, where workers had been protesting since Apr 20.

The miners began their journey on Apr 12, walking from Eskişehir, where the company is based, to Ankara, a distance of roughly 160 kilometers. Upon arriving in the capital on Apr 20, they launched a hunger strike. Throughout the protest, workers repeatedly faced police interventions involving tear gas and detentions.

Pro-government media criticized

"The resistance resulted in victory," Union President Gökay Çakır told reporters after the meeting. "They asked us for a 15-day period. The ministries are the guarantors of this. As of this hour, we have ended our action," he said.

Bağımsız Maden-İş organizing expert Başaran Aksu criticized pro-government media outlets during the announcement. "We see various microphones here. We are glad. They were not here before. They did not see the workers' action until today. It is pleasing to see them in front of the ministry," Aksu said.

Aksu detailed the terms of the agreement, stating it covers all outstanding payments, personal rights, unpaid union rights, and the restoration of social security premiums for workers forced into unpaid leave. The deal also includes payments for workers currently in legal processes.

"A result has been produced that does not leave any friend out, even guaranteeing the rights of those who did not apply to our union during the resistance process. We are completing the process with a guarantee that the results will be checked in the presence of three deputy ministers in 15 days to see if the payments have been made. The resistance resulted in victory," Aksu said.

Aksu concluded with a message to others, saying, "Workers, laborers, and retirees in similar situations across the country should not be afraid to seek their rights. Do not hesitate. We are here." (HA/VK)

In a joint statement, the organizations said Article 217/A of the Turkish Penal Code, titled “Publicly Spreading Misleading Information,” and known publicly as the “disinformation law,” is being used to arrest, detain and prosecute journalists.

Türkiye's new 'disinformation law' explained

14 October 2022

The statement noted that at least 83 journalists have been charged with spreaing disinformation 114 times since the law entered into force in Oct 2022. BirGün reporter İsmail Arı and DW Türkçe reporter Alican Uludağ were the journalists most frequently targeted under the charge. Arı has been accused six times, and Uludağ four times. Both journalists are currently in prison.

'Disinformation law' used against 83 journalists since 2022

10 April 2026

'Legitimate journalism is being criminalized'

The organizations said Article 217/A has been applied more intensively and swiftly in recent months, adding that this is part of a broader pattern of legal pressure criminalizing legitimate journalism in Turkey.

In addition to the detention of Uludağ and Arı, they cited the cases of Bilal Özcan, Murat Ağırel, Barış Pehlivan, Zafer Arapkirli, Turgay Kılıç and Mehmet Yetim, who have been detained, arrested, prosecuted or sentenced to prison under the same charge. The statement continued:

“Documented examples of this kind of abuse of the ‘disinformation law’ against journalists and the media make Turkey a regional, and even global, outlier in the misuse of regressive fake news and disinformation legislation to suppress media freedom and freedom of expression. This further weakens an environment that is already hostile to free and independent journalism in the country.

"Turkey’s disinformation law is structurally incompatible with international press freedom standards. The law does not clearly define what constitutes ‘false information’ or what content poses a threat to national security or public order.

"As one journalist prosecuted under the law emphasized, the government can deem any kind of information false. The vagueness of the law gives courts unlimited authority to determine the existence of an offense, enabling the prosecution of critical journalism.

"A free and independent press is the most lasting safeguard against the spread of false information. Criminalizing journalism is neither a legal nor an effective response to it.”

Demands

• The organizations called on Turkey to immediately and unconditionally take the following steps:
• Release all journalists imprisoned under Article 217/A of the Turkish Penal Code,
• Drop all cases against journalists over their reporting or commentary,
• Fully repeal Article 217/A of the Turkish Penal Code,
• Bring all of Turkey’s legislation governing freedom of expression into line with its international obligations.

(HA/VK)

Unions and leftist groups organized an event to commemorate the losses in the 1977 May Day. During the celebrations, gunfire from surrounding buildings and different points in the area, where hundreds of thousands of people gathered, leading to a stampede as the crowd headed toward Kazancı Yokuşu. Forty-one people lost their lives ithat day, which went down in history as "Bloody May 1."

The voices of those who lost their loved ones: 1 May '77 and impunity

30 April 2021

Police closed off Taksim Square and surrounding areas with barriers before the scheduled event and surrounded the group near Gezi Park.

Metro and funicular services in Taksim were temporarily stopped during the events.

Protesters raised carnations and chanted "Taksim Square is the May 1 area." Taksim has been banned for May Day celebrations since 2012.

Süleyman Keskin, the chairperson of the Union of Electricity, Gas, Water and Dam Workers (DİSK/Enerji-Sen), made a speech under police blockade.

'Like every year, we wanted to organize an event in Taksim to commemorate our comrades we lost in 1977. However, they say the commemoration we will hold today is banned by a decision of the district governorate. They have tried to take away our most democratic right in this country dozens of times. They prosecuted us all repeatedly.

"The court results are very clear: Neither the district governor nor the governor has the authority to ban these. We were prosecuted dozens of times for wanting to march to Taksim, and we were acquitted in all of them. The law is very clear: Workers and laborers can make statements and commemorations in a square identified with them. This is our most democratic and legitimate right. We will not take a step back from these demands."

The group began a sit-in protest following the speech. Police detained 46 protesters by beating them, according to a report by Sendika.org.

Authorities released 43 of the detainees after procedures at the police department. Three people spent the night in custody due to outstanding warrants in other cases. (VC/VK)

Işık appeared before  for the first time yesterday. She was brought to the hearing from Şakran Prison in İzmir to the Milas 3rd Penal Court of First Instance by gendarmerie officers, with her hands cuffed. The hearing began at 10 am and lasted over seven hours.

In her defense against the indictment, Işık said she had no criminal intent.

“I did not know the vehicle belonged to the inspection delegation. I thought they were officials who had come for the company,” she said.

After hearing statements and defenses, the prosecutor requested that Işık remain in custody. The court ruled to continue her detention.The next hearing in the case is scheduled for Jun 1.

First visuals reveal extent of deforestation in Akbelen forest due to coal mining

19 March 2024

Background

Işık was among the villagers who protested a delegation that came to the village for an inspection related to urgent expropriation decisions covering six villages around the Akbelen area. The protesters objected to the inspection, saying lawsuits challenging the urgent expropriation decisions were still before the Council of State. 

Urgent expropriation is frequently used across Turkey to facilitate mining projects, enabling authorities to bypass legal challenges based on local residents’ rights.

“We are calling out to the Council of State from here. We filed lawsuits for 200 parcels. We do not want this expropriation, this place is ours,” Işık told the delegation at the time. "The court delegation has come with the inspection delegation, saying, ‘Write down how many olive trees there are,’ ‘write down how many houses there are.’ We are not numbers. We have lives here.”

Işık was detained at her home in İkizköy on the night of Mar 31 and later formally arrested.

Olive groves opened to mining activities ahead of expert examination in Akbelen Forest

2 March 2022

Arif Ali Cangı, one of the lawyers representing the villagers, had said the residents protested because they thought a civilian vehicle arriving for the inspection belonged to company employees.

“This has nothing to do with the law,” Cangı said, criticizing the decision. “This is about breaking the resistance. Before the inspection, we asked the judge to stop the inspections. We said, ‘A stay of execution decision will be issued, do not rush.’ They went to the inspection as if they were trying to smuggle goods out of a fire. They did not even inform us, the lawyers in the case. We also oppose this decision. We want Esra to be released.”

Akbelen Forest has been the site of protests since 2020 against coal mining activities and urgent expropriations connected to the region’s thermal power plants. The source material says many villagers have been displaced during the process and have lost sources of livelihood, including olive groves.

Akbelen resistance

The struggle of the local people and environmental activists against coal mining activities continues since 2020. While they were able to fend off the expansion of the mines for years, tree felling resumed in the area in Jul 2023.

The coal extracted here is used in the region's large thermal power plants. Local residents oppose the expansion of the mine due to concerns that it will damage olive cultivation and agriculture activities, and because their villages would end up within the mining areas, forcing them to relocate. Dozens of villages in the region have been evacuated since the 1990s due to mining activities. (VK)

Accordingly, the number of children in the country was 21.3 million as of 2025, accounting for 24.8% of the total population. Boys made up 51.3% of children and girls account for 48.7%. 

The figures show a clear decline since 1970, when children accounted for 48.5% of the population. This fell to 41.8% in 1990, 30.9% in 2007 and 24.8% in 2025.

Over roughly half a century, the share of children in the total population has almost halved. Moreover, this decline is not limited to the past. Projections suggest that the rate is expected to fall to 22.1% in 2030, 19.6% in 2040 and 16.9% in 2060.

Poverty: Regional gaps are deepening

As children’s share of the population declines, whether policies addressing the needs of this group are being strengthened at the same pace remains open to debate.

According to the bulletin, 36.8% of children are at risk of poverty or social exclusion.

Poverty grips Turkey’s children amid policy inaction

26 September 2025

The TurkStat data show that this rate is calculated by combining three indicators: 34.4% of children are at risk of relative poverty, 6.5% face severe material and social deprivation, and 23% live in households with low work intensity.

Taken together, these indicators show that more than one-third of children in Turkey are exposed to at least one basic form of deprivation.

Education: high enrollment, early dropout

According to the data, the net enrollment rate at age 5 is 84.3%. At the primary school level, this rate rises above 95%. A similar picture is seen in lower secondary education.

However, the picture changes at the upper secondary level. Enrollment at the high school level falls below 90%. This decline shows that dropping out of education, particularly for economic reasons, remains a significant problem.

Turkey sees rise in school dropouts, union warns

21 October 2025

Meanwhile, inequalities in access to preschool education also persist. These rates are known to be lower in rural areas and low-income households. Although the data do not provide details on this gap, the overall trend shows that inequality continues.

Boys are more present in the labor force

The labor force participation rate among 15- to 17-year-olds is 25.5%. This rate rises to 36.5% among boys, while it remains at 13.9% among girls.

This gap shows that boys are pushed into working life more often at an early age. In the same age group, the employment rate is similarly higher among boys.

THREE CHILD WORKERS KILLED IN A WEEK

'Businesses employ two children in place of one adult at same cost'

23 October 2025

While child labor would be expected to decline as children remain in education longer, the data show that this has not happened, particularly for boys. This indicates that child labor remains a structural problem.

Health and living conditions

According to the data, the infant mortality rate is on a downward trend. However, despite this decline, regional disparities persist.

A significant share of children also face problems accessing basic needs such as healthy nutrition, adequate heating and suitable living space.

Early marriages continue

According to marriage statistics, the share of official marriages involving girls aged 16-17 among all official marriages was 7.3% in 2002, falling to 1.5% in 2025. By contrast, the share of official marriages involving boys in the same age group among all official marriages was 0.5% in 2002 and fell to 0.1% in 2025.

The persistence of early marriages points to a picture directly linked to dropping out of education and poverty.

UNFPA REPORT

‘One in five women currently 20-49 years old married under 18 in Turkey’

30 June 2020

Custody largely granted to mothers

After divorce, custody of children is largely granted to mothers. According to TurkStat data, about 75% of custody arrangements are granted to mothers and 25% to fathers.

This shows that child care still remains largely the responsibility of women. Meanwhile, as the number of children benefiting from foster family services increases, the number of children in institutional care also remains notable.

Internet access rising, but risks not discussed

Most children use the internet. Among children aged 6-15, the internet usage rate has risen above 80%.

However, the data do not discuss how this increase relates to children’s safety, digital addiction or online risks. While the numbers are rising, the nature of this usage remains unclear.

Turkey probes social media platforms over child users' data

20 February 2026

(NÖ/VK)

The intervention occurred as workers from the Doruk Madencilik company attempted to march from Kurtuluş Park to the Energy and Natural Resources Ministry

Police used pepper gas to disperse the group after they breached a blockade in the park. The union's chairperson Gökay Çakır and organizing specialist Başaran Aksu were taken into custody as police moved in to break up the protest for the second time.

Video showing the moments Çakır and Aksu were apprehended:

Holdingleri koruyorlar!

Ankara Valiliği ve Ankara Emniyeti holdingleri koruyor. Genel Başkanımız Gökay Çakır ve Başaran Aksu bu sebeple gözaltına alındı.

Madencileri durduramayacaksınız!#HakkımıVerDorukMadencilik pic.twitter.com/hnSPsvVSrO

— Bağımsız Maden İş (@bagimsizmadenis) April 27, 2026

The workers have been staying at the park since arriving in Ankara on foot from Eskişehir on Apr 20. They set out from Eskişehir on Apr 12 and reached the capital city eight days later, when they began their hunger strike.

Despite the police crackdown, the workers remained in the park, striking their helmets on the ground and vowing to continue the protest until all severance and wage arrears are paid in full.

"We are only asking for the sweat of our brow that we have earned," one worker said during the protest. "We want our children's sustenance. We didn’t even mention the value of inflation. We just want the sweat of our brow that we’ve earned." 

“We won’t leave without getting what’s rightfully ours. Let them come here,” said another.

The workers were also joined by Erkan Baş, an MP and the head of the Workers' Party of Turkey (TİP), and deputies from the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP). 

Some workers collapsed after police used pepper spray:

Madenciye reva gördükleri bu!

8 gündür açlık grevindeyiz. Hakkımızı istedik, biber gazıyla geldiler. Holdingler üzülmesin diye bu kadar çaba!#HakkımıVerDorukMadencilik pic.twitter.com/rEAOgDXHVp

— Bağımsız Maden İş (@bagimsizmadenis) April 27, 2026

The Labor and Social Security Ministry stated on 24 Apr that some payments had been made and the company was fined. The ministry claimed remaining debts would be settled this week.

However, the union dismissed the statement as smoke and mirros, noting that the distributed funds covered only one-fiftieth of the total amount owed to workers. (HA/VK)

The lawsuit concerns Kepenek’s article titled “Is the academic at METU accused of violence being protected because his father is a prosecutor?” published on Apr 5.

The academic, identified with his initials K.Ö., is seeking 250,000 liras (~5,550 US dollars) in compensation from Kepenek, the IPS Communication Foundation/bianet and the Diken news site, which had quoted the article.

The Ankara 9th Civil Court of First Instance accepted the complaint and ruled that the case would proceed under written trial procedure.

In her article, Kepenek mentioned allegations of harassment and violence against the academic without mentioning his full name, referring to him only by his initials.

bianet editor Evrim Kepenek granted award for Male Violence Monitoring Reports

4 November 2024

'No final conviction'

In the complaint submitted through his lawyer, K.Ö. stated that a criminal prosecution related to the incident covered in the article is ongoing against him at the Ankara 14th Penal Court of First Instance, but that there is not yet a final conviction.

Lawyer Hüseyin Turgut stated the following in the petition:

“Although there is an ongoing criminal prosecution against my client at the Ankara 14th Penal Court of First Instance, it must be emphasized that the acts alleged against the client were in no way committed by him. Moreover, there is no final conviction against my client.

“On the contrary, a decision of non-prosecution has been issued for some of the accusations, while the judicial process is still ongoing for the remaining allegations.

“As such, presenting allegations that we in no way accept and that have not yet been established by a final judgment as if my client were guilty in the eyes of the public and had committed the alleged acts is clearly contrary to the presumption of innocence, the right not to be stigmatized and my client’s personal rights.”

In the petition, lawyer Turgut argued that the reports published by bianet and Diken were “false, distorted, biased and damaging to personal rights.”

He argued that describing K.Ö. as “perpetrator of violence” constitued a violation of the presumption of innocence guaranteed under Article 38 of the Constitution.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

He claimed that K.Ö. experienced “deep sorrow, distress and moral devastation” because of the reports about him, and that his professional reputation, standing in academic circles and social life, as well as his personal peace, were harmed.

The petition also stated that the articles in question remain accessible and requested that the content be temporarily removed from publication during the trial, or, if that is not possible, that access to it be blocked.

Court allows complaint to proceed

A complaint was filed with the Ankara 9th Civil Court of First Instance on Apr 8, three days after the article was published. The court accepted the complaint the next day, allowing the compensation case to proceed.

The court issued its preliminary proceedings report on Apr 9. It stated that there were no deficiencies in the petition, accepted it and ruled that the case would proceed under written trial procedure.

bianet editor Evrim Kepenek acquitted of ‘disinformation’ charge over 2023 earthquake post

25 February 2025

According to the preliminary proceedings report, the defendants must submit their responses within two weeks of being served with the petition. The court also decided to send an official request to the Ankara 14th Penal Court of First Instance to obtain the case file concerning the report via UYAP.

It stated that the plaintiff’s request for an interim injunction would be evaluated through an interim ruling. (HA/VK)

The closure affects the central transport hub located in the busy Taksim Square area, which serves the M2 Yenikapı-Hacıosman metro and the funicular line to Kabataş.

Metro trains will continue through Taksim without stopping, while the funicular line will not operate.

Metro İstanbul, affiliated with the Metropolitan Municipality, said the closure was made on the basis of a decision by the İstanbul Governor’s Office. No such statement was published on the office's website or social media accounts.

A press relations officer from the governor's office told bianet that the decision was issued not by them but the Beyoğlu District Governor's Office.

No explanation was given for the reason behind the decision in public statements, the officer told bianet that it was related to a commemoration event for those killed in the area during 1977 May Day celebrations

Metro services resumed at Taksim station in the evening. (VK)

Minister Mehmet Nuri Ersoy shared the development on social media on Apr 23 saying that ongoing works in the ancient city of Laodikeia continue "to reveal traces of the past."

The white marble statue was discovered in the stage building of the theater. The minister noted that the structure served as a center for cultural expression in antiquity and was the setting for Homeric epics.

"We brought to light the Athena statue, approximately 2 meters long and made of white marble," the minister said. "The work, which reflects the classical style of the Augustus Period, draws attention with its high artistic quality."

In Greek mythology, Athena is known as the goddess of wisdom, strategic warfare, and crafts. She is considered the protector of cities and a representation of reason and justice.

The discovery was made as part of the Heritage to the Future vision.

(TY/VK)

The incident occurred while US President Donald Trump was in attendance. The venue was evacuated immediately following the shooting. 

Erdoğan expressed his opposition to violence and conveyed his well-wishes to Trump in a statement on social media:

"I condemn the attempted armed attack that took place last night at the White House Correspondents' dinner in Washington.

"It is pleasing for us that no one was injured, especially US President Mr. Trump and his esteemed wife Ms. Melania.

"In democracies, struggle is carried out with ideas; there is no place for any kind of violence. I extend my well wishes to President Trump, his wife, the US administration, and the American people."

While the attacker’s motive is not yet clear, Trump described the individual as a “lone wolf” and “a very sick person.” He also told reporters that he did not believe the attack was related to Iran.

The shooter was identified as Cole Tomas Allen, 31, of Torrance, California. He reportedly charged a security checkpoint near the main magnetometer screening area. Authorities said Allen was armed with a shotgun, a handgun and multiple knives. During the confrontation, a Secret Service agent was shot in the chest but was escaped injury thanks to a ballistic vest. (VK)

It also takes its name from human rights lawyer Noura Erakat’s words, “We are breaking through the dam; keep fighting.”

Organized by Salt, the exhibition opens up for discussion an idea of “yerdeşlik” (being with the place) that goes beyond colonial practices through the works produced by the artists.

The exhibition’s programmer, Gülce Özkara, said the starting point of the exhibition was based on the conceptual inquiries she developed during her doctoral work. Özkara said that while thinking about the relationship between land and archive, the question “Can we approach land as a memory or an archive?” was decisive.

Özkara said the concept of “land” expanded during the process, noting that she initially set out from the concept of “landscape,” but that the fact that it could not be translated directly into Turkish and Arabic opened up new areas of thought. Özkara said the concept of “being with the place,” developed as a result of these discussions, formed the exhibition’s basic framework, and stated that the concept expresses a state of “existing together with place”:

“Yerdeşlik refers to becoming one with the ground, existing together with it and the relationship established with it. We translated it into English as ‘being with the place.’ This state of unity established with place, with land, sometimes with landscape, sometimes with scenery, formed the exhibition’s main intellectual framework. I would particularly like to emphasize this: Rather than determining certain concepts in advance and following them, this exhibition developed through the works I encountered and the dialogues I established with the artists. I centered what the artists were saying and what we could learn from them in this process.”

The work that gives the exhibition its name: “What Seeps Through the Crack and Return”

The work that gives the exhibition its name is artist Dima Srouji’s video work titled “What Seeps Through the Crack and Return.” The work addresses loss, mourning and intergenerational trauma embedded in Palestinians’ collective memory, together with an imagination of healing and liberation.

In the work, archival footage of the Nakba flows backward and is superimposed with the image of water seeping from a cracked dam. This visual construction highlights water’s revitalizing power against the destructive impact of infrastructures. The work also refers to Noura Erakat’s words, “We are breaking through the dam; keep fighting.” The work holds an important place in the exhibition’s conceptual framework:

“The exhibition treats infrastructures not only as a tool, but also as a space of resistance and struggle. We had talked about thinking of the ground as a shared place, as a state of togetherness. We set out with the question of whether it is possible to transform these infrastructures into another way of thinking, into another way of establishing a relationship with land.”

What seeps from the archive: Memory and transformation along the Euphrates and Keban line

The “What Seeps from the Archive” section of the exhibition makes visible different imaginaries shaped around the Euphrates River and the Keban Dam.

These archival materials are accompanied by works by artist Aslıhan Demirtaş that address the geographical and social effects of dams. Demirtaş’s interview with Süleyman Demirel, known as the “king of dams,” reveals the developmentalist discourse of the period and its understanding of intervention in nature.

Demirtaş’s works, based on her long-term research, examine dam policies in Turkey from a historical perspective. The work titled “Payidar,” included in the exhibition, addresses the possibility of nature reopening space for itself in geographies interrupted by dam projects.

The section also includes Gülce Özkara’s personal memory. The landscape painting included in the narrative carries into the exhibition a sense of belonging established with the Euphrates basin, creating a connection:

“Because I thought a great deal about the idea of ‘seepage’ in this exhibition, a personal layer also became part of the archive. A landscape painting made by my grandmother also seeps into this space. The reason I am interested in the Euphrates River and the Keban Dam is that my grandmother’s village is located in that basin. Having witnessed the transformation of this geography and this landscape painting that was always in my grandmother’s house became an important reference for me. On one side, there is an imagination of domination and transformation established through infrastructures, and on the other, there is my grandmother’s approach, which associates the Euphrates River with belonging, roots and homeland.”

The migrant experience and the reconstruction of belonging

Another notable work in the exhibition is Metincan Güzel’s Too Close to Home. The work focuses on the experiences of workers from Turkey who migrated to the Netherlands beginning in the 1960s. Labor migration, initially conceived as a temporary work process, became permanent with the deepening economic crises of the 1970s and political transformations in Turkey. In this process, the shops established by migrants began to be shaped by images of a “homeland” that no longer existed or perhaps had never existed.

The artist says the work questions the ways migrant spaces are produced and how they reconstruct a sense of belonging. Using visual arrangements inspired by coffeehouses in Rotterdam, the work makes visible the relationship between far and near, familiar and foreign.

The exhibition brings together works by 15 artists

The “Breaking Through a Dam” exhibition brings together works by 15 artists from different disciplines. The exhibition features works by Haig Aivazian, Monira Al Qadiri, Al-Wah’at Collective, Mehmet Ali Boran, Can Candan, Aslıhan Demirtaş, Alia Farid, Metincan Güzel, Emre Hüner, Evrim Kaya, Yelta Köm, Fredj Moussa, Dima Srouji, Aslı Uludağ and Merve Ünsal.

The exhibition’s design and production were carried out by Emirhan Altuner. Ezgi Yurteri edited the exhibition, while the English translations were done by Çağla Özbek. Fulya Aras served as design and production assistant.

The exhibition was realized with the support of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Feltouch, and with contributions from Asya International Movers, Bankerhan Hotel, Eureko Sigorta and Jotun.

The exhibition can be visited free of charge at Salt Beyoğlu until Aug 23. (ZO/HA/VK)

The Margosyan Memorial House, established through a collaboration between the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality, the Diyarbakır Armenian Surp Küçük Church Hıdır İlyas and Surp Gregos Churches Foundation, and the Diyarbakır Promotion Culture and Solidarity Foundation (DİTAV), opened its doors at the Surp Gregos Church.

Diyarbakır Co-mayors Serra Bucak and Doğan Hatun attended the opening ceremony along with DİTAV Diyarbakır Branch Chair Şeyhmus Diken, Archbishop Aram Ateşyan, Ohannes Gafur Ohanyan, the deputy chair of the Diyarbakır Armenian Surp Küçük Church Hıdır İlyas Surp Gregos Churches Foundation, civil society representatives, and citizens.

The house aims to transfer the life, memory, and connection of the author with the city to future generations.

Bucak said ted that they were welcoming Margosyan back to his own home, according to the Diyarbakır Metropolitan Municipality.

"This is a precious, emotional, and important moment for us," Bucak said. "Today, we are hosting the great writer Mıgırdiç Margosyan in his home. We say hello once again to Mıgırdiç Margosyan in this small space together with his loved ones, young friends who read him, and the Armenian, Kurdish, and Syriac people. The space may be small, but this church is his home."

Bucak added that it is their duty to remind young literature lovers of the multi-lingual, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural nature of the city. She said the initiative serves as a reminder that different ancient cultures and communities can live together in a democratic and peaceful life.

DİTAV Diyarbakır Branch President Şeyhmus Diken, Archbishop Aram Ateşyan, and Foundation Deputy Chair Ohannes Gafur Ohanyan also delivered speeches during the program. Following the remarks, the co-mayors and the delegation toured the memorial house.

(TY/VK)

In his speech, Maşalyan said, “Beneath these lands lie not only our pains, but also the still-bleeding wounds of others. We cannot find a solution by telling only our own story. We must also listen to others, understand their suffering and seek common ground for a shared future. With this understanding, we repeat our call for the establishment of peace, reconciliation and friendship between the Turkish and Armenian peoples.”

Full text of Maşalyan’s message as reported by Agos:

Our beloved faithful people, today is again Apr 24. It is a day that invites us to bow with respect before one of the most painful pages of our history. Today recalls the tragedy experienced a century ago, which left deep marks on our national and spiritual life. We commemorate the losses, deportation, exile and indescribable pain passed down from generation to generation that our people experienced during the years of World War I. But this commemoration is not only meant to remain in the dark pages of the past. It is also a call for us to turn toward the future by making sense of what we have lived through. In these lands, where different peoples lived together for centuries, the tradition of peaceful coexistence suffered a deep wound. Yet the same geography also reminds us of this truth: peoples are called not to eternal hostility, but to living together, dialogue and mutual understanding.

Beneath these lands lie not only our pains, but also the still-bleeding wounds of others. We cannot find a solution by telling only our own story. We must also listen to others, understand their suffering and seek common ground for a shared future. With this understanding, we repeat our call for the establishment of peace, reconciliation and friendship between the Turkish and Armenian peoples. The tragedy of the past should not be a permanent wall, but a bridge built with cautionary lessons for constructing a more just and peaceful future. Neither denial nor obsessive hostility heals wounds. Likewise, political instrumentalization does not serve the rapprochement of peoples. Real progress is born of dialogue based on sincerity, mutual respect and human values. For this reason, we invite all sides to build bridges of friendship, develop cultural and economic cooperation, and create an environment in which history can be discussed not with fear and hatred, but with the search for truth and justice.

We welcome with appreciation all steps taken in the past and present toward mutual sensitivity and rapprochement. In this context, we would also like to mention the condolence messages issued every year on the occasion of Apr 24 by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, which are also addressed to our Patriarchate. The respect and sensitivity expressed in these messages are considered important steps that can contribute to the development of mutual understanding between peoples.

We see these messages as an expression of human conscience and as meaningful gestures that can contribute to rebuilding trust. They remind us that even in the face of the heaviest historical burdens, the path of respect and communication can be chosen. Today, as the commemoration day of our canonized martyrs, we turn to their intercession. They are living witnesses not only of our memory, but also of our faith. They invite us not to remain in the darkness of the past, but to build the future with hope.

As Almighty God said through the Prophet: “Behold, I am doing a new thing” (Isaiah 43:19). We must seek this renewal in our own hearts. Dear brothers and sisters, may today’s commemoration be not only mourning, but also an opportunity for renewal. May God, in His mercy, touch our hearts and the hearts of our neighbors, so that we may overcome the shadows of the past and build a future based on justice, peace and brotherhood. May Almighty God, through the intercession of the Holy Virgin Mary and all our saintly martyrs, bless the Turkish and Armenian peoples, guide them toward the path of living together in reconciliation and peace, and remove wars and hatred from the world. May God’s love, mercy and grace be upon all humanity now and forever.

Amen

The operation was conducted as part of an investigation led by the Birecik Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office into alleged wrongdoing in the municipality.

The General Directorate of Security provided detailed in a written statement, noting that detention warrants were issued for 51 suspects, 28 of whom are public officials.

The findings regarding irregularities in the municipality are based on Interior Ministry inspections, Financial Crimes Investigation Board (MASAK) analyses, and tax audit reports. The investigation focuses on charges of "forming an organization to commit crimes" and "bid-rigging."

The Halfeti Municipality had been under the control of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) until the 2024 local election. Albayrak managed the municipality as an appointed trustee between 2017 and 2019 after it was seized from the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). He was later elected mayor from the AKP in 2019.

Although Albayrak ran for re-election in the 2024 polls, he lost to Mehmet Karayılan, the candidate for the Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) Party, the successor to the HDP. The municipality was removed from DEM Party management and placed back under trustee rule on Nov 4, 2024.

The operation follows recent remarks by Justice Minister Akın Gürlek, who told CNN Türk on Apr 22 that "the fact that operations have not been conducted against AKP municipalities does not mean they will not be. The party is not important to us. It could be AKP, CHP, or another party. The prosecutor's office does not act according to parties."

Since Mar 2025, widespread corruption operations have primarily targeted municipalities controlled by the opposition. This move marks a rare instance of an investigation involving a municipality led by the ruling party. (AB/VK)

The legislation, which amends the Social Services Law and various other laws, requires platforms to implement age verification measures and provide differentiated services for users above 15.

Under the new regulations, social network providers must offer parental control tools. These tools will allow parents to supervise account settings, require approval for paid transactions, and monitor usage time. Companies are also mandated to take measures against deceptive advertisements and publish their protection measures on their websites.

Social media ban on children: protection or rights violation?

21 February 2026

The law also sets obligations for game platforms. Platforms will not be allowed to offer unrated games, or they may publish them by classifying them under the highest age category. Foreign-based platforms with more than 100,000 daily accesses from Turkey will be required to appoint a representative in the country.

The Information and Communication Technologies Authority (BTK) will be able to request information from game platforms on their corporate structure and data processing procedures. Platforms that fail to meet their obligations may face administrative fines, and continued violations may lead to bandwidth restrictions.

E-government verification for adults

The government is also developing an identity verification system for social media access. Justice Minister Akın Gürlek stated in a televised interview on Apr 21 that users will access platforms via a verification code obtained through the e-Devlet (e-government) portal.

"We are saying that the person using the social media account will definitely be a real person. They will log in with their Turkish ID number. Here, our citizens might think, 'Will my ID number be given to social media platforms?' No, there is absolutely no such thing," the minister said.

Gürlek explained that the system would function as a two-step verification "key model." He noted that while users must verify their identity, they are not required to use their real names on the platforms. "I can also use a nickname," he added.

Freedom of expression groups have criticized this plan, raising concerns regarding mass surveillance.

Social media ID verification plan raises mass surveillance concerns

8 April 2026

(VK)

The committee also kept the overnight lending rate at 40% and the overnight borrowing rate at 35.5%.

The decision was in line with the expectations of economists and the market amid rising fuel and energy prices following Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz in response to the US and Israel's war against it.

In its announcement regarding interest rates, the Central Bank noted that indicators point to a slowdown in economic activity:

"The underlying trend of inflation declined in March. Leading indicators suggest a slight increase in the underlying trend in April. Amid geopolitical developments and the resulting uncertainties, energy prices remain elevated and exhibit notable volatility. The effects of these developments and domestic energy prices on the inflation outlook through the cost channel and economic activity are being closely monitored. While indicators point to a slowdown in economic activity, potential second-round effects of recent developments on the inflation outlook will be of importance.

"The tight monetary policy stance, which will be maintained until price stability is achieved, will strengthen the disinflation process through demand, exchange rate, and expectation channels. The Committee will determine the policy rate by taking into account realized and expected inflation and its underlying trend in a way to ensure the tightness required by the projected disinflation path in line with the interim targets. Monetary policy decisions are made prudently on a meeting-by-meeting basis with a focus on the inflation outlook. In case of a significant and persistent deterioration in the inflation outlook, which can also be driven by the recent developments, monetary policy stance will be tightened. The Committee reiterated that it remains highly attentive to upside risks on inflation.

"In case of unanticipated developments in credit and deposit markets, monetary transmission mechanism will be supported via additional macroprudential measures. Liquidity conditions will continue to be closely monitored and liquidity management tools will continue to be used effectively.

"The Committee will make its policy decisions so as to create the monetary and financial conditions necessary to reach the 5 percent inflation target in the medium term. The Committee will make its decisions in a predictable, data-driven and transparent framework."

(HA/VK)

She participated in a protest outside the US Consulate General in İstanbul on Sep 17 following statements by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who described Palestinians as "barbaric animals," defended genocide, and stated that Gaza must be completely destroyed. 

The following morning, her home was raided, and she was detained along with her Egyptian husband, Onur Azad. Azad's friend İbrahim was also among those detained.

They were accused of throwing a Molotov cocktail at the consulate. The three were formally arrested on Sep 21 after being held in detention for four days.

Esraa’s family had come to Turkey to visit her, but were later detained despite not taking part in the protest. Her parents and sister were then handed over to the Migration Management Directorate and subsequently deported from Turkey with an entry ban.

Palestinian student faces deportation from Turkey after protesting trade with Israel

28 August 2024

After more than four months in pretrial detention, an indictment was prepared against Esraa, Onur and İbrahim. The charges included "damaging property," "unauthorized possession of dangerous substances," "using explosive materials in a manner likely to cause fear, anxiety, or panic," and "publicly insulting a foreign state flag."

The trial began at the İstanbul 19th Penal Court of First Instance. Onur and İbrahim were released following the first hearing after six months in jail. Esraa continued to be held at Marmara Prison in Silivri.

No material damage at consulate

The final hearing of the case was held yesterday (Apr 21). Esraa was not brought to the court but attended via videoconference.

Her husband and his friend were present in the courtroom. Onur Azad arrived at the hearing wearing a keffiyeh around his neck. Two representatives from the US Consulate General were also among those monitoring the hearing.

Esraa, accompanied with an interpreter, made a defense against the prosecutor's opinion requesting a sentence. 

Lawyer Gülden Sönmez stated that the evidence in the case file was insufficient to reveal the material facts. She added that the court did not hear the witnesses and that Esraa's fingerprints were not on the bottle found, noting that there was no evidence that Onur and his friend assisted in the crime.

Pro-Palestinian activists released after 25 days in arrest

29 May 2024

"Esraa is Palestinian. She is a person who has witnessed the massacres in her country since Oct 7, 2023. She is aware of the US support for Israel's genocide. On the day of the incident, she saw the statement by the US Secretary of State. Rubio called for genocide in Esraa's homeland. Esraa is someone who lost many friends and relatives in Gaza. Thereupon, she went to the consulate to protest the US," Sönmez said.

She stated that no material damage occurred, only a small area on the grass was damaged, and this was noticed 40 hours after the incident.

"Esraa is simply a human rights activist trying to stop the genocide," she added.

No conviction for throwing Molotov

The court then gave the floor to the defendants. Onur Azad denied the allegations, saying, "It was late at night when I learned about the incident. However, it was written as if I was at the scene and there at 21.00 pm. When Esraa called me, I went with my friend and picked her up."

He requested acquittal for Esraa rather than himself. "It is not possible for my wife to harm a person," he said.

İbrahim confirmed Onur's statement, saying, "We went to pick Esra up after Onur's call. I certainly did not do such a thing. I request my acquittal."

Esraa, who was given the floor last, denied the charges during her brief defense.

Announcing its verdict, the court did not give a ruling for "using explosive materials" for Esraa and acquitted her of "publicly insulting a foreign state flag."

The court sentenced her to 4 years and 2 months in prison on the charge of unauthorized possession of dangerous substances and imposed a fine of 41,600 liras (~925 US dollars) for the same crime. Additionally, it gave a 1-year and 8-month sentence for damaging property and deferred it for five years.

The court ruled for her release while imposing a ban on traveling abroad. It also decided to notify the Interior Ministry for her deportation after the execution of the sentence.

Onur and his friend İbrahim received 10-month prison sentences for damaging property. The court also deferred these sentences.

No release

Onur went to Silivri to meet Esraa after the hearing. He waited in front of the prison for 14 hours. In the late hours of the night, he noticed Esraa inside a police vehicle. The police informed Onur that they were taking Esraa to a police station in Ümraniye on the city's Asian side.

Lawyers found Esraa at a police station in Dudullu, Ümraniye, in the morning. When Onur went to the station in the morning, he was told that Esraa would be transferred to the Arnavutköy Removal Center for deportation.

Onur continues to wait for his wife in front of the police station. (HA/VK)

The Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG) and Mesopotamia Women Journalists Association (MKG) gathered in Diyarbakır today to mark the Kurdish Journalism Day, celebrated since 1973.

Speaking on behalf of both associations at the event, MKG Chairperson Roza Metina said that Kurdish journalism today is under detention, arrest, judicial pressure, censorship, access bans, economic siege, and digital attacks.

"Targeting journalists during news coverage, attempting to make press institutions invisible, closing accounts on digital platforms, and blocking news content are open attacks on the public's right to reach the truth," she said.

"Reports from international and local press freedom organizations reflect deepening digital censorship against journalists and news outlets, practices harming the right to a fair trial in press cases, and systematic pressure on media outside the government line. This picture is not accidental. Pressures on Kurdish journalism are part of the policy to silence the truth and leave society in the dark."

Kurdish journalists targeted in new wave of online censorship

10 April 2026

Metina commemorated all journalists who lost their lives for press freedom and noted their solidarity with colleagues held in prisons, facing trial, threatened, forced into exile, or prevented from working.

Calling on international press organizations and human rights institutions, she said, "Do not remain silent against the pressures on Kurdish journalism and free press workers. Take a clear stance against policies trying to show journalism as a crime. Writing the truth is not a crime. Defending the public's right to receive news is one of the most basic conditions of a democratic society. We will not take a step back in the face of pressure; we will continue to defend the word of women, the truth of peoples, and the Free Press tradition."

'Kurdish press is essential for Kurdish people'

Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) Party Spokesperson Ayşegül Doğan also spoke at the event.

"There was exile 128 years ago, and today there is pressure and siege. There is pressure on the entire press, but this pressure is even greater on the Kurdish press," Doğan said.

Recounting her recent visit to imprisoned journalist Nedim Oruç, a reporter for Ajansa Welat, Doğan said, "Nedim was also arrested for political rather than legal reasons. He was practicing journalism during the attacks on Eşrefîyê and Şêxmeqsûd and was arrested. He was arrested unjustly, and his hearing is soon.

"I am making a call from here and asking for the release of all journalists arrested due to journalism. Nedim sent his greetings. He said he misses practicing his profession, his friends, and his daughter. We must grow this solidarity. I once again celebrate Kurdish Journalists Day. May this be an occasion for the alliance, peace, and freedom of the Kurdish press, the Kurdish people, and those living with Kurds."

Journalist Nedim Oruç detained while covering protest in Şırnak over Aleppo clashes

15 January 2026

DEM Party Deputy Co-Chair Tayip Temel also called for the release of imprisoned journalists in a written statement to mark the day.

He mentioned that the Kurdistan Newspaper, which Mîqdat Mîdhed Bedirxan began publishing in Cairo, was the "first torch lit in exile, under impossible conditions and great pressure." He called it "the first institutional step in the search to make the voice of a people heard by the world." 

"Kurdish journalism has maintained its existence against pressure, censorship, and bans throughout history, having to pay great prices," the statement read. "The Kurdish press, prevented from making its voice heard in its own lands, has struggled to exist all over the world from Cairo to Geneva, London to İstanbul. Kurdish Journalism Day, celebrated since 1973, has insisted on walking in the footsteps of truth and stubbornly continued the free press tradition on the path opened by Mîqdat Mîdhed Bedirxan despite continuous attacks, obstacles, destruction and assimilation policies, and massacres.

IMPRESSIONS FROM DİYARBAKIR

Kurdish journalists released after 400 days, but justice remains elusive

13 July 2023

"Today, the journalism profession is still under heavy threats. The presence of our colleagues who are tried and arrested for their reports, and whose pens are sought to be broken, is the biggest obstacle before Peace and Democratic Society. On this occasion, we reiterate that journalism activities are not a crime and that journalists in prisons should be released immediately."

He commemorated Musa Anter, Gurbetelli Ersöz, Nagihan Akarsel, Cihan Bilgin, and Nazım Daştan, along with all killed Kurdish journalists. (HA/VK)

Following the seizure, most of the network's employees were dismissed and its pro-opposition editorial line was changed.

The TELE1 team established a new channel called TELE2 in November and continues to broadcast there.

Yanardağ remains in pretrial detention, where he has been held for six months without the start of his trial.

Statement from Yanardağ

In a statement released through his lawyers, Yanardağ criticized the decision and noted that the sale price set by the TMSF is less than the three-month operating expenses of the channel.

"They want to transfer the value we created with our sweat, labor, mind, and will to their cronies for next to nothing.

"The purpose of the conspiracy of 'espionage' based on lies and slander has thus been revealed once again without dispute. The goal was to collapse TELE1 and try to silence it," Yanardağ added. "We did not remain silent, but they continue their insistence on looting TELE1. They want to sell our channel for next to nothing and leave the debts to us."

Unchanging structure, deepening political control in Turkey's media ownership

5 January 2026

Yanardağ claimed that the channel received an offer 15 times higher than that amount last year, which they refused. "We did not accept it because we believed that TELE1 belonged to the public, its viewers, and its employees," he said.

Yanardağ suggested that he might not have been arrested if he had agreed to the previous sale. He stated that the bidders had warned him in an indirect way that he deserved to "live a comfortable life" and suggested he could start another media outlet later with the money.

"We said no; we did not find it appropriate. TELE1 was not a commercial enterprise, but an independent social responsibility initiative that adopted the principle of pro-people broadcasting. Journalistic ethics and principles were our basic measure. They could not take us over with money or pressure," Yanardağ said. (VK)

The suspects face charges of bribery and bid rigging in tender, zoning, and settlement procedures. They are also accused of forming and being members of a criminal organization.

A total of 20 suspects were detained on early Apr 18. Following a prosecutor's questioning yesterday, the court ordered the arrest of 18 individuals. One suspect was released under judicial control.

In a note sent through his lawyers after his detention, Adıgüzel claimed the operation was political.

"Like my other friends who are held in detention unfairly and unlawfully, I am away from you today due to various slanders," said Adıgüzel. "My neighbors in Ataşehir know me very well. What we are going through is completely political and a character assassination. The truth will come out sooner or later and we will meet again."

The operation is part of a nationwide crackdown on municipalities controlled by the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) since Mar 2025. More than 30 CHP mayors, including those in major cities like İstanbul, Adana, Bursa and Antalya, have been dismissed in corruption-related investigations.

The CHP claims these operations are a political move by the government after the its major success against the ruling bloc in the 2024 local elections. The government denies the allegations and maintains that the investigations are based on findings.

Thirty-one opposition mayors removed from office since 2024 elections

2 April 2026

(VK)

Yılmaz faces charges of "insulting the Turkish nation and the state of the Republic of Turkey" under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code regarding an interview she conducted with Armenian youth in Turkey.

Armenian youths speak up: A 109-year-long mourning

24 April 2024

Yılmaz attended the hearing alongside bianet's lawyer Deniz Yazgan and Hazal Sürmeli from the Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA). Reporters Without Borders (RSF) Turkey representative Erol Önderoğlu and Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Turkey representative Özgür Öğret also monitored the proceedings.

Both the judge and the prosecutor had changed before the hearing.

Following Yılmaz's defense against the indictment in the first session, the prosecution submitted its final opinion, requesting a conviction in line with the indictment.

Yılmaz and Yazgan requested additional time to prepare their defense against the prosecution's opinion. The court adjourned the case until Oct 20. 

The lawsuit was initiated following a report filed by an individual through the Presidency Communications Center (CİMER). (HA/VK)

The workers, employed by the Doruk Madencilik mining company, a subsidiary of Yıldızlar SSS Holding, had set out on foot from the adjacent province of Eskişehir on Apr 12 and reached the ministry yesterday, on the ninth day of their march.

The union says the workers were owed two to eight months of pay.

The miners are demanding payment of unpaid wages and compensation. They are also calling for an end to enforced unpaid leave, working conditions that comply with occupational health and safety rules, and the reinstatement of workers dismissed over union activity. 

“While we were waiting to find a counterpart in front of the Energy Ministry, the response was to detain our 110 friends,” the union said. “We are miners, we are not intimidated by detentions, and we will continue from where we left off when we get out. As we said before, we came to Ankara with our shrouds, and we are here.”

One protester, who began shivering severely during the detention, was admitted to a hospital, said the union.

After the workers arrived in Ankara the yesterday, police had used pepper spray against them, although a limited group had been allowed to walk to the ministry.

'The owner was on his yacht'

Umut Akdoğan, an MP from the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), was with the workers yesterday and criticized the company’s management.

“When I visited the mine, the owner was on his yacht in Bodrum. This is unacceptable,” Akdoğan said, adding that the problem of irregular payments had continued for nearly 10 years and that the workers’ patience had run out after months without any pay.

Mert Batur, a lawyer for the union, told Evrensel newspaper that the workers wanted a platform for negotiations with ministries and parliament. Batur alleged that political and administrative authorities had long protected Yıldızlar SSS Holding owner Sebahattin Yıldız despite knowing of the workers’ grievances.

“They have developed a slave-like working regime unique to themselves,” Batur said. “The Labor Ministry cannot function while ignoring this, and the Energy Ministry cannot function without seeing this situation.” 

Doruk Madencilik was seized by the Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF) in 2016 and was later purchased by Yıldızlar SSS Holding in 2022. (VC/VK)

The incidents occurred at the Bandırma 17 Eylül Stadium in the northwestern province of Balıkesir both before and after the game.

Amedspor fined over Kurdish-language chest sponsor tagline

30 September 2025

Before the match began, Bandırmaspor fans insulted the Amedspor delegation in the protocol tribune. The delegation included Amedspor President Nahit Eren and Diyarbakır Chamber of Commerce and Industry (DTSO) President Mehmet Kaya. Leyla Zana, a prominent Kurdish politician, was also among those targeted by the fans with insulting chants.

The theme song of Valley of the Wolves (Kurtlar Vadisi), a TV series once popular among nationalist circles, was played in the stadium before the kickoff.

Trendyol 1. Lig’in 36. haftasında Bandırmaspor ile Amedspor arasında oynanacak kritik müsabaka öncesinde Amedspor Protokolüne ırkçı ve küfürlü saldırılarda bulunuldu. pic.twitter.com/ENtYyaZRZp

— Tigris Haber (@TigrisHaber) April 19, 2026

Tensions escalated outside the stadium following the match, which Amedspor lost 2-0. A group of Bandırmaspor supporters launched verbal and physical attacks against Amedspor board members and fans as they attempted to leave the premises. Some Amedspor fans were injured during the confrontation.

Bursaspor handed nine-game stadium fan ban after racist attacks on Amedspor

10 March 2023

Amedspor is widely embraced by Kurds as an emblem of Kurdish identity and has frequently encountered similar harassment in recent years.

The club currently holds third place in the 1. Lig, the second-tier competition in Turkey. With two weeks remaining in the season, Amedspor maintains its chance to compete in the playoffs for promotion to the Süper Lig. (VK)

Animal rights activist Mine Vural, known as the 'Animal Nurse,' announced the seizure on Instagram. "There is no biting, no attack, nothing. The only problem is that they are dogs," Vural wrote.

The Kadıköy Municipality Temporary Animal Care Center told reporters today that the animals are at the shelter and one is receiving medical treatment.

Vural, who has provided regular care for the dogs for years, said she was already giving an immune booster called Imuneks to Zeus. She stated she specifically requested the municipality to continue this treatment.

Ankara investigates alleged beating to death of stray dog by municipal employees

5 January 2026

A shelter official noted that for the dogs to leave the facility after their treatment, they must be legally adopted. The official added that the shelter remains open to volunteer visits seven days a week.

Kadıköy Mayor Mesut Kösedağı previously announced that the municipality provides six months of food, water, bowls, leashes, and basic care support for those who adopt animals from the shelter.

Stray animals law

The implementation and the justification for the decision to collect the animals remain under debate. Activists criticize the removal of dogs from their living spaces when no attacks or biting incidents occurred, arguing the process focuses on 'rounding up' rather than protection and rehabilitation.

CHP leader Özgür Özel previously criticized the Law on Amendments to the Animal Protection Law enacted in Jul 2024.

Turkey's opposition-held cities will resist stray dog massacre law

30 July 2024

(TY/VK)

Turkey already hosts significant NATO infrastructure, including a NATO radar base in Malatya, the NATO Allied Land Command in Izmir, and bases in Kürecik and Incirlik (which is also in Adana). Turkey is currently among the top five NATO contributors in operations and missions among the 32 member states and boasts the second largest military in the group, only after the United States. 

Little is known about the new NATO multinational corps (MNC-TUR) yet, including the size or the number of troops it will hold. 

Dr. Mehmet Ali Tuğtan, an international relations professor at Bilgi University, believes MNC-TUR is simply the latest in a long line of deep collaboration between the US and Turkey that has existed since the Cold War. It is not representative of any major shifts in Turkey’s relationship with the US or the West more broadly.  

He said the establishment of MNC-TUR reaffirms Turkey’s usefulness to the US due to its geographical position and military capabilities.  

Tuğtan also said this is part of a broader long-term readjustment in NATO after US President Donald Trump demanded partners contribute more to the alliance. This led Allies to pledge five percent of their gross domestic product (GDP) annually on core defense requirements and security-related spending by 2035. 

“NATO is trying to be a more robust, combat-ready and, more importantly, more deterrent force posture, this is what they’re trying to achieve,” he said.  

“Whenever they [the West] need a powerful, dependable, regional ally, they look at the map, they look at the charts, they look at the figures, and they realize there is no one else but Turkey," he said. 

Tuğtan said the West has been “in trouble” since Russia’s war on Ukraine and believes the new multicorp is partially about combatting Russian influence. He stressed that it is not a reaction to the US-Israel war on Iran. Turkey has been planning for the MNC-TUR since 2023, years before the current Iran war. 

“Since the end of the Cold War in early 1990s, there had been no external threat against NATO so this is the first time NATO countries feel that they are actually threatened by a conventional military actor,” Tuğtan said. 

Writer and international relations analyst Aydın Sezer, though, does not believe this development relates to Russia. He said that if this were the case then a Black Sea city would have been chosen for the multicorps instead of Adana.

Russian concerns over Montreux treaty 

He also does believe Russia will be concerned about the development. 

“Russia is not concerned about Turkey or the NATO bases in Turkey,” he said. Russia is currently focused more on developments in Eastern Europe and the Baltic states.” 

The Kremlin released a mild statement expressing some concern over the new MNC-TUR development. Russia said that it “attaches great importance” to the 1936 Montreux Convention and encouraged Turkey to take a “balanced and responsible approach” regarding the management of the straits. 

The Montreux Convention regulates maritime traffic over the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits and grants Turkey control over the matter. The convention guarantees the free passage of civilian ships and during peace times allows the free passage of military vessels from all nations. In times of war, if the war does not involve Turkey, non-warring states’ ships can still pass. Ships of states at war cannot pass through the straits unless they are returning to their home base. 

Both Tuğtan and Sezer said that MNC-TUR constitutes no threat to the Montreux Convention. 

ANTI-WAR PROTESTS CONTINUE

Turkey calls invasion of Ukraine a 'war,' says will implement Montreux Convention

27 February 2022

Despite believing that Russian influence was a motivator in NATO increasing its “deterrent force posture,” Tuğtan does not believe that MNC-TUR will create any strain on the Turkey-Russia relationship. Tuğtan explained that Turkey still maintained good relationships with both Russia and Ukraine since the start of the Russia-Ukraine war. Turkey is also one of the few NATO members that maintains a working relationship with Russia in political, military and economic terms, even buying Russian S-400 missile systems. 

This strategic cooperation makes it unlikely that there would be any conflict between the two because both nations benefit well from their relationship with each other.

Russia is even building the Akkuyu Nuclear power Plant in Mersin province, he added. 

The establishment of MNC-TUR has not created any point of conflict between the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its main opposition the Republican Peoples’ Party (CHP). The main tensions between the parties do not involve differences on foreign military entanglements, Tuğtan said. 

However, CHP members have expressed some concerns about the lack of transparency in the base’s planning. 

MNC-TUR remained unknown by the public until discovered by a news reporter at Cumhuriyet from a now-deleted Linkedin post by an employee at the Ministry of Defense. The employee had “NATO MNC-TUR” written on their profile heading. Despite not initially confirming the plans, the Ministry of Defense later held a press conference confirming MNC-TUR was in progress. 

Opposition to the new base largely comes from left-wing parties, opposition groups and students — who took the streets on April 4th to protest NATO’s presence in Turkey across several major Turkish cities, including Ankara, İstanbul, İzmir, Adana, Malatya, and Eskişehir. 

Tuğtan also said that the establishment of MNC-TUR puts to rest a growing talking point in Israeli and US media that “Turkey is the new Iran.” MNC-TUR demonstrates that despite political rhetoric and regional rivalries, Turkey is still deeply intertwined in the Western camp, and the US greatly benefits from the relationship. 

“Turkey has been a NATO member for a very long time; it is an important and powerful member of NATO,” said Sezer. “Therefore, developments in relations should not be perceived as something new.” (İK/VK) 

The investigation into the 21-year-old student, who disappeared in the eastern province of Dersim on Jan 5, 2020, was recently reclassified from a missing persons case to a homicide inquiry following new findings.

The arrest follows a wave of detentions on Apr 17 that included the former governor. Tuncay Sonel, who served as the governor at the time of the disappearance, remains in custody after his detention period was extended. He is accused of spoliation of evidence.

Zeinal Abakarov, Doku's former boyfriend, and his stepfather Engin Yücer, a former police officer, are among those arrested. Yücer was previously dismissed from his profession after it was revealed he tampered with evidence in 2020. Investigative findings suggest Abakarov had unauthorized access to the case file as early as Feb 2020 through Yücer.

DOKU MISSING FOR 2 YEARS

‘They have stalled us for 2 years, saying that they will find Gülistan’

6 January 2022

 Video confession emerges

A video confession also entered the file, featuring a conversation between the family lawyer and the brother of another suspect, Umut Altaş.

In the footage, the brother recounts a statement allegedly made by Mustafa Türkay Sonel. "Türkay said the girl got pregnant and I shot her in the head. This 'I shot her in the head' phrase was mentioned several times," he said.

‘GÜLİSTAN DOKU’ STATEMENT BY ERDOĞAN

‘We made every effort, but could not find Gülistan’

26 January 2021

Case reopened after years

The case was reopened earlier this month following a witness statement.

The investigation gained momentum after an anonymous note mentioning Mustafa Türkay Sonel was sent to the family lawyer. Analysis of vehicle movements on the night Doku disappeared reportedly showed Sonel's activities were incompatible with the ordinary flow of events.

Technical examinations of phone traffic and bank transfers also expanded the scope of the case. Investigators found that certain public officials had established a circle around the Doku family to monitor their social media posts and contacts. Discrepancies were also found regarding Doku's SIM card, which was allegedly withheld from official records.

Mother and sister of missing Gülistan Doku released from detention

7 September 2020

Gülistan Doku was a second-year student at Munzur University when she vanished. Initial search efforts, which included draining the Uzunçayır Dam Lake, failed to locate her body.

Her sister, Aygül Doku, stated in February that the family possessed documents proving the case involved a murder by public officials rather than the initially reported suicide narrative. (VK)

According to the study, which analyzed nearly 60 years of land use and 45 years of population data in 46 countries, the impact of human-induced changes such as deforestation, agricultural expansion, and infrastructure construction on landslide-related deaths can be stronger than physical factors like topography and rainfall. Moreover, this impact is not distributed equally globally: Human intervention in mountainous areas reaches up to 50 percent in low and lower-middle-income countries, while it remains at approximately 7 percent in high-income countries. This difference plays a critical role in how fatal landslides become.

Turkey, meanwhile, stands significantly above the average of upper-middle-income countries in human-induced land cover change. It also holds the position of the country where the highest number of landslide-related deaths are seen in Europe.

Human intervention in mountainous areas well above average

Located on the High Anatolian Plateau, Turkey ranks first in Europe when it comes to landslides resulting in death.

According to the study, total human-induced land use and land cover change in mountainous areas in Turkey is at a level of 32 percent. This rate is significantly above the 13 percent average of the upper-middle-income country group in which Turkey is located. In other words, the mountainous landscape of Turkey has been strongly reshaped not only by natural processes but also by long-term human interventions.

The weight of landslide deaths experienced in the country also draws attention. According to the database where data on fatal landslides in Turkey was collected, developed in 2020 by Prof. Dr. Tolga Görüm and Dr. Seçkin Fidan, who are also among the authors of the study, 389 fatal landslide events occurred in the country between 1929 and 2019, and 1,343 people lost their lives.

Additionally, 335 of the 1,375 landslide deaths recorded in Europe during the 1995–2014 period took place in Turkey. These data show that Turkey is one of the most noteworthy countries in Europe in terms of loss of life caused by landslides.

The land change data published in the article regarding land change, which plays an important role in these losses of life, is quite striking.

The data show that the share of forests in mountainous areas in Turkey rose from 13.6 percent to 18.0 percent between 1960 and 2019, but the share of urban areas increased approximately 6.5 times in the same period. Another most prominent transformation is seen in the transitions from grasslands and shrublands, which hold an important place in terms of biodiversity, to pastures and agricultural areas. In other words, the mountainous areas of Turkey are being reshaped not only by forest increase but also by strong and multi-faceted human pressure.

Preventable losses

One of the most important messages put forward by the research is that landslides are not entirely "unavoidable." Although nature-sourced hazards persist, whether these hazards turn into disasters or not depends largely on decisions taken in processes such as land use, planning processes, and risk management policies. At this point, policymakers, local governments, planners, and infrastructure developers assume a critical role.

Measures such as planning land use in a sustainable manner, limiting deforestation, bringing construction in risky areas under control, and developing early warning systems will significantly reduce loss of life caused by landslides, as well as significantly reducing risks against uncertainties brought by climate change.

In conclusion, this new study reveals a vital truth for millions of people living especially in fragile regions: What determines landslide risk is not only nature, but also the relationship humans establish with nature and how this relationship is managed.

(TY)