JTI stands out as an international system of standards developed in 2018 under the leadership of Reporters Without Borders (RSF). This initiative aims to evaluate media organizations not only based on the content they produce, but also through the processes by which they prepare that content. The project aims to create and support "trustworthy media" platforms in an environment where trust in the media is declining globally. It thus seeks to establish a common framework of reference so the public can discern reliable journalism.

The JTI certification process begins with a self-assessment containing the organization's own declarations. This is followed by an inspection conducted by independent auditors and concludes with the public sharing of the results. During this process, the editorial structure, decision-making mechanisms, and compliance with professional standards of a media organization are examined in detail.

The framework of standards covers a wide area encompassing the fundamental principles of journalism. Principles such as editorial independence, the implementation of ethical rules, and the separation of news and opinion are decisive in this evaluation. It is also an important criterion for institutions to clearly reveal their ownership structures and sources of financing. Additionally, elements such as defined news verification processes, the transparent operation of correction mechanisms, and the consideration of reader feedback are among the core components of the certification. The working conditions and safety of journalists, along with internal professional standards, are also evaluated under this framework.

The JTI certificate is considered a tool to demonstrate the level of transparency and accountability of media organizations at a time when disinformation and the crisis of trust are intensifying, especially in digital media. This system offers a reference mechanism that can help not only readers, but also advertisers and digital platforms, to distinguish reliable media organizations.

For bianet, receiving this certificate signifies the concrete documentation of compliance with international journalism standards for independent media in Turkey. It also carries the potential to set an example in the fields of transparency and accountability. (Mİ/VK)

Today, this 14,500-square-meter area operates as a massive resistance space where over four hundred people from twenty-seven different nationalities live side by side, where decisions are made in assemblies, and where people produce and share independently. Against the government's eviction plan—backed by European Union funds—and its intent to hand the area over to capital, Prosfygika has been resisting for months with unprecedented willpower. To defend the right to housing and the existence of the community, community member Aristotelis Chantzis has been on a “hunger strike until death” for over seventy days. As emphasized in the statement published by the women of the Prosfygika Community Assembly, this resistance calls on everyone with a conscience and empathy to stand in solidarity against the looting plans targeting this space of historical resistance, self-organization, and sanctuary.[1]

Solidarity sprouting from crisis: the years of construction 

The foundations of Prosfygika do not bear the aesthetic ostentation of bourgeois architecture or the traces of an urban beautification project, but rather the sharp lines of a people’s absolute will to survive. The roots of the story begin in the 1920s with the forced population exchange from “Asia Minor.” When hundreds of thousands of refugees were uprooted from Anatolia and the Aegean and arrived in Athens, the city was shaken by the most massive housing crisis in its history. Under conditions where people were fighting for survival by setting up makeshift houses and tents in seas of mud on the city’s outskirts, this “demographic pressure” forced the state to find an immediate solution to the crisis spilling into the streets.

Between 1933 and 1936, the state built eight blocks at this strategic point on Alexandras Avenue. Architect Kimon Laskaris and civil engineer Dimitris Kyriakou, who took over the project, applied the strict functionality of the progressive and radical Bauhaus movement directly to their designs. No aesthetic ornaments, decorative additions, or luxury materials were used in the design of the buildings. Comprising a total of two hundred and twenty-eight apartments, the purpose of these blocks was quite clear: to meet the minimum housing needs of a poor family at the lowest possible cost. However, this strict pragmatism, combined with the spacious design of the courtyards and common areas, produced unexpected sociological results. These large common areas increased interaction among refugees and the poor working class, allowing a very strong culture of communal living to flourish. Instead of being isolated in these cramped apartments, people built a new collective life by coming together in the courtyards and balconies, eventually revitalizing the neighborhood by purchasing their properties through affordable loans.

Memory engraved with bullet scars: the 1944 resistance 

The main event that transformed these buildings from a simple state-built housing project into a revolutionary site of memory took place during the closing stages of the Second World War. Just months after the end of the German occupation, in December 1944, Athens turned into a battlefield during the events historically known as the “Dekemvriana” (December Events). The residents of the area, joining forces with resistance fighters who had battled fascism for years, engaged in a fierce struggle against the Greek state forces and the newly arrived British occupation troops.

As British tanks advanced along the avenue, Prosfygika was subjected to heavy bombardment. The resistance defended the city and the revolution from the windows and roofs of these buildings. The blocks practically turned into an impenetrable fortress in the middle of the city. The massive bullet, mortar, and shrapnel holes that you can still clearly see on the exterior of the buildings today do not stand as signs of urban neglect, as the government has claimed for years, but as medals of honor of the unparalleled war fought by the true owners of the city against fascism. Today, the monument located just below the cafe area also pays tribute to this partisan resistance.

As time passed, Athens expanded rapidly, and the area where Prosfygika is located turned into one of the city’s most central and “valuable” zones. Even during the military junta period, although decisions were made to demolish the first four blocks to make way for a new courthouse, these plans could not be fully implemented. Rumors of demolition and modernization preoccupied the neighborhood for years. In the late 1990s, an official decision was made to demolish the historic neighborhood to build a shopping mall and an underground parking lot connected to the Panathinaikos stadium across the street. The state, employing the insidious methods of global urban transformation projects, offered residents very low sums of money through the Public Real Estate Company (KED) to abandon their homes. Those who refused this offer were threatened with forced expropriation, and under the influence of this climate of fear, one hundred and seventy-seven apartments became state property by 2003.

However, fifty-one local residents refused to bow to this pressure and appealed to the Council of State with the support of the Faculty of Architecture, solidarity groups, and organizations. The Council of State halted the bulldozers with two separate rulings in 2003 and 2009, declaring the area a historical monument that must be preserved due to both the significance of its Bauhaus architecture and the indelible marks of the December 1944 events. When the demolition was legally blocked, the state changed its strategy and adopted a policy of deliberate decay. Mafias settled into the vacated buildings; illegal subletting, drug production, and trafficking began. Instead of stopping this illegal racket, the police entered and exited the neighborhood every day to take their cut. The goal was blatantly obvious: to exhaust the surrounding local residents with a deep security problem, make the area unlivable, and manufacture the necessary social consent for handing the buildings over to capital through this very corruption.

Building life where the state collapses 

The will of the streets and the oppressed completely disrupted the calculations made by capital behind closed doors. Since the early 2000s, autonomous groups from diverse political and cultural backgrounds began squatting in these buildings to keep them alive collectively. In the 2010s, as Greece was shaken by successive memorandums and severe austerity policies, the resulting massive housing crisis elevated this process to a much more mass scale. This grassroots organized power physically rooted out the mafia and drug gangs from the neighborhood—elements the state and police had deliberately left untouched for years. People realized that they had no choice but to unite and organize collectively in order to survive.

Today, this structure, which established its charter in 2012 under the name “The Community of Squatted Prosfygika” (SY.KA.PRO), houses a diverse collective composed of refugees fleeing war, political exiles from Turkey and Kurdistan, anarchists, communists, sexual minorities, the elderly, and children. There are no managers, landlords, or police authorities within the community; decisions are made through direct democracy in weekly general public assemblies.

What placed the community in the state’s crosshairs is the fact that, during a fifteen-year period in which the state completely dismantled social services, the commune built twenty-two distinct self-organized solidarity structures. Among these structures that provide food access to hundreds of people, the Technical Works Structure, which resolves the buildings’ electrical and plumbing issues and ensures the sustainability of the structures through renovations, holds great importance. Furthermore, thanks to socialization networks such as the Collective Cafe and Cinema, Social Center, Library, and Reading Room, Prosfygika has hosted countless social, political, and cultural events over the years.

The Women’s Structure, one of the community's backbones, operates as one of the two defining organs of the community alongside the general assembly. This unit, which began its journey as a women’s cafe in 2016 and has now transformed into a massive solidarity network, gained its own physical space by merging two apartments in the neighborhood. This structure provides an immediate safe haven for women facing patriarchal violence or those in urgent need of housing. Beyond merely being a shelter, it aims to rescue women from domestic isolation by collectivizing invisible domestic labor and childcare. At the same time, it does not sweep patriarchal and competitive behaviors that emerge within the commune under the rug, but transforms them through deep criticism and self-criticism mechanisms, rebuilding the culture of the community. Right next to this, the Health Structure and Social Pharmacy step in for those pushed entirely to the margins of the system. Established for immigrants, the unemployed, and the poor without official health insurance, this structure operates as a de facto clinic providing completely free examinations, treatments, and medication through the labor of volunteer doctors, nurses, and psychologists.

At the center of the community’s food policy is the “Collective Bakery Berkin Elvan,” which keeps alive the memory of Berkin Elvan—a 15-year-old boy who fell into a coma and died after being struck by a police tear gas canister while going out to buy bread during the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey. This bakery not only produces free bread and hot meals every day for the poor and homeless of Athens; kneading dough transforms into a shared and communal act that keeps the community together and empowers people, especially during times of intensified police repression. Perhaps the clearest exposure of the collapse in the state’s healthcare system is embodied in the Housing Structure for Oncology Patients. The doors of the buildings are thrown wide open for the relatives of severely ill patients who come from the provinces to the Agios Savvas Anti-Cancer Hospital, located right in front of two of the blocks, but who sleep in their cars or the hospital courtyard because they cannot afford accommodation. By providing them with completely free, safe, and warm rooms, it demonstrates that housing is not a commercial service but a matter of human dignity.

Transformative justice and political architecture 

One of the most important features that distinguishes Prosfygika from other squats is its approach to resolving issues through a concept of transformative justice, rather than an exclusionary one. When problematic behaviors imposed by the system—such as individualism, competition, authoritarian attitudes, or sexist approaches—are identified, the solution is not sought through exclusion or punishment. Instead, mechanisms of criticism and self-criticism are activated. According to the commune’s philosophy, the emergence of a problematic behavior means that the community as a whole provided the ground for it; therefore, both the responsibility and the solution are treated not as personal issues, but entirely as collective obligations.

Politically and administratively, the community is organized around three main pillars: The Community, The Platform of Confederalist Union, and the Committee. The Community functions as the social base, organizing life in the neighborhood and the twenty-two solidarity structures. The Platform of Confederalist Union serves as the political bridge the commune establishes with other revolutionary groups in Greece and abroad. The Committee, composed of architects, lawyers, journalists, and historians, operates as an outward-facing diplomatic tool managing campaigns. Moreover, internationalism is not merely a rhetoric for this commune; it is the very way of life itself. Today, by organically maintaining their ties with struggles across the globe—from Palestine to the Zapatistas in Mexico—they apply internationalist solidarity in practice.

Στηρίζουμε https://t.co/EcOmM21lg3@Prosfygika @Platforma_CU#antireport pic.twitter.com/Ef0jj1pgvN

— Παρασιτεί Μετέωρος (@parameteoros) March 15, 2026

The ‘social housing’ mask and the 15 million euro eviction plan 

It is certainly no coincidence that a living space which functions so well, produces, and finds direct practical solutions to social crises has become the main target of the government. In a system where Athens is trapped in a frenzy of touristification, where houses are sold to international capital, and where rents exceed the minimum wage manifold, Prosfygika directly challenges the “I eat my neighbor” culture and individualism created by neoliberalism. What the state and capital cannot tolerate is precisely the fact that this possibility of solidarity is viable.

In mid-2025, the government and the Attica Regional Authority signed an agreement behind closed doors, deciding to evict the first four blocks of Prosfygika under the guise of redevelopment. It was announced to the public that the buildings would be restored using 15 million euros allocated from the European Union’s regional development funds to create social housing and a guesthouse for patients’ relatives. The community instantly exposed the massive hypocrisy behind this narrative. As clearly stated in the text published by the Prosfygika Women’s Assembly, those who ignore demands for gender equality, those who allow the homeless to freeze to death in the streets, and those who condemn farmers and workers to poverty and precarity do not deserve trust. The dirty plans behind this so-called project—presented by those who forced half a million young people to leave the country in the last decade, those who left asylum seekers to die in the waters of luxury islands, and those who only consider the interests of capital in every disaster and accident—are colliding with the anger of the streets.

Under the pretext of building social housing, the state plans to forcibly throw the poor, immigrants, and children—who already reside there and are the most severe victims of the housing crisis—out onto the streets using riot police. In their place, they intend to install people of their own choosing by funneling millions of euros to crony companies through construction tenders and restoration projects. The promise of a guesthouse for patients’ relatives remains a complete manipulation, because while the state left those people to sleep on the streets for years, the ones who opened their doors to them unconditionally were none other than the commune members keeping these buildings alive.

‘Hunger strike until death’

As the threat of eviction materialized, the community assembly issued a clear and definitive challenge to the state, declaring, “We will not give up a single inch of ground to the regime and its companies.” The heaviest price of this determination is borne by Aristotelis Chantzis. Beginning his hunger strike on February 5, 2026, Chantzis is using his body as a shield against this profit-driven project. In his published statement, he marks history with the purpose of his action: “As the Community of Squatted Prosfygika, we have decided to defend our social proposal, the people, the structures, and the historical memory of Prosfygika to the end. It is our clear choice and our responsibility to give even our lives for the continuation of life. Because we know that if Prosfygika are evacuated, a large portion of us will find ourselves on the street. The elderly and the sick will die on the streets, and children will lose their homes and schools, with incalculable consequences for their physical and mental health and the course of their lives.” Chantzis, emphasizing that Prosfygika actively participates in social and class struggles, is holding onto life as he passes the 70th day of his action as of April 15, physically relying only on water, tea, and essential vitamins that slightly slow down the complete collapse of his nervous system.

While the risk of a heart attack and irreversible organ damage is at a critical threshold, the community has three indisputable demands presented to the state:

1. Immediate cancellation of the contract by the Region of Attica.

2. All residents of Prosfygika to remain in their homes, in the place and area where they live and have established social, cultural, and organical ties.

3. Concrete guarantees to be given for the restoration of Prosfygika by the non-profit civil law company “Κατοικοι και Filoi Prosfygikon L. Alexandras Non Profit Civil Law Company” with its own self-financing! - No public funds for the “redevelopment” of Prosfygika!

This radical resistance rising from Chantzis’s body is creating a massive wave in Athens. Thousands of people locking down the center of the city are staging massive marches with the slogan “Hands Off Prosfygika!”. Despite the intense siege and interventions by security forces, anarchists, housing rights unions, and local residents are not backing down. This urban solidarity is rapidly finding an echo across Europe as well. News spreading across the continent through various platforms and the community’s own information networks is turning the issue into one of the symbols of the global housing rights crisis.

The resistance is not limited to the buildings on Alexandras Avenue; through the community’s social media announcements, it is spreading across Athens in waves. For example, the community called for a ‘March of Endurance and Determination in the Popular Neighborhoods of Gyzi, Ambelokipi, and Polygono in Solidarity with Prosfygika’ scheduled for Saturday, April 18 at 12:00 from Prosfygika on Alexandras Avenue, inviting the streets to roar with the slogan: ‘Victory to the Hunger Strike of Aristotelis Chantzis!’

ΠΟΡΕΙΑ ΑΝΤΟΧΗΣ & ΑΠΟΦΑΣΙΣΤΙΚΟΤΗΤΑΣ
ΣΤΙΣ ΛΑΪΚΕΣ ΓΕΙΤΟΝΙΕΣ ΓΚΥΖΗ, ΑΜΠΕΛΟΚΗΠΩΝ, ΠΟΛΥΓΩΝΟΥ
ΣΕ ΑΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ ΜΕ ΤΑ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΙΚΑ

ΣΑΒΒΑΤΟ 18/4, 12:00, ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΙΚΑ, Λ. ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΑΣ

ΝΙΚΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΠΕΡΓΙΑ ΠΕΙΝΑΣ ΤΟΥ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΤΕΛΗ ΧΑΝΤΖΗ#antireport #prosfygikahungerstrikehttps://t.co/2eN2zTYJhx pic.twitter.com/ZUHW48Puj5

— Community of Squatted Prosfygika (@Prosfygika) April 11, 2026

Who produces the city, who defends it? 

Today, the war being fought in those bullet-scarred blocks on Alexandras Avenue means defending the fact that housing is not a financial commodity or an investment tool, but an inalienable right, defended by the de facto power of the streets. The government’s plan is not merely to restore a few old buildings but relies on an operation to scrape away and erase the city’s revolutionary and anti-fascist struggle from its space. The attempt to turn the buildings into hollowed-out projects not only fails to remedy the deep housing crisis in Athens but also deepens the violence of urban transformation that drives the urban poor to the peripheries.

While Aristotelis Chantzis struggles with the severe physical effects of his hunger strike, the presence of children in the neighborhood, the bread produced every day in the Berkin Elvan bakery, the uninterrupted free clinic, and the resolute stance of the women’s assembly reveal who the true owners of the city are through the daily reality of life. This structure, sustaining countless forms of solidarity, continues to resist in defense of life. If law enforcement and the bulldozers of construction companies dare to enter that area for an eviction, what they will face will not just be lifeless concrete walls, but an organized people’s will defending the right to life and urban commons to the death. (DS/VC/VK)

Footnotes

[1] Women from the Prosfygika Squat Community Assembly, “Atina Prosfygika (Mülteci) konutları direnişi”, Çatlak Zemin, February 14, 2026 https://catlakzemin.com/atina-prosfygika-multeci-konutlari-direnisi/

[2] a.g.y.

[3] “Declaration of Hunger Strike until Death”, https://saveprosfygika.gr/index.php/en/materials/

Aksu had shared a post concerning the Mar 31 arrest of Akbelen activist Esra Işık on charges of "resisting to prevent public officials from performing their duties." In his post, Aksu wrote, "Arresting Esra Işık on the orders of Nihat Özdemir represents the highest level our independent judiciary can reach! Arrest all Akbelen villagers, you shameless people!"

Özdemir is the chair of Limak Holding, one of the companies operating in the region.

First visuals reveal extent of deforestation in Akbelen forest due to coal mining

19 March 2024

Aksu was detained and subsequently arrested on Apr 9 on charges of "disseminating misleading information" and "inciting the public to hatred and hostility" due to the post.

In a message sent through his lawyers following the arrest decision, Aksu said, "This is the state of the judiciary in Turkey. They do whatever the holdings want. We will continue to upset the holdings!"

Umut-Sen union, where Aksu serves as a coordinator, stated that police raided Aksu’s home in Hopa, Artvin, to seize his digital equipment.

The union also noted that the penal court arrested Aksu on the grounds that he "carries out union activities all over Turkey" and "would not be able to comply with judicial control reporting requirements." Judicial control measures require suspects to check in at a designated police station at regular intervals. (VK)

Inflation and raw material costs have reduced profit margins, prompting much of the industry to relocate to countries like Egypt. Manufacturers have directly shifted these rising costs onto workers, who report mass layoffs, long hours, low pay, wage theft and dangerous working conditions — conditions that already existed but have intensified over the past years. 

Workers who have attempted to organize against such poor conditions, such as Mehmet Türkmen, the general president of the United Textile, Knitting, and Leather Workers Union (BİRTEK-SEN), often find themselves under pressure. Police detained Türkmen following a May 13 protest by Sırma Halı carpet workers over months of unpaid wages. 

Overtime ‘effectively mandatory’

Mikail Kılıçalp, the General Secretary of BİRTEK-SEN, has worked in the industry for about 50 years, starting when he was just 10-years-old. He said that workers’ struggles have led to significant progress in his lifetime but this has been followed by pushback from employers. And as economic conditions worsen, so do working ones. 

Kılıçalp has seen workers win eight-hour work days only for bosses to add an extra eight hours in overtime. He also mentioned that despite winning Sunday weekends, some bosses still pressure employees into working 7-day weeks. 

Overtime is “effectively mandatory,” according to Kılıçalp. Workers who refuse risk being fired, having their daily wages cut or losing benefits. 

“Employers often use the [economic crisis] as an excuse to fire workers and increase the pressure on us, workers fearing unemployment are forced to accept these conditions,” Kılıçalp said. 

According to a report from the Health and Safety Labor Watch (İSİG), a group monitoring work-related deaths, Antep has the second highest reported deaths in the textile industry after İstanbul. Textile worker deaths are at 12 percent, about four or five times more than the national average. Many workers also report injuries on the job, losing fingers, hands, limbs or other body parts.  

Some of these workplace accidents are hidden from official records. Private hospitals give treatment without registration or label it a "personal accident,” thus leaving incidents unrecorded by both the hospital and the police, denying workers an opportunity to receive justice, the report said. 

Workers forced to settle in workplace accident cases

Tugay Bek, a lawyer representing Türkmen, said that because workplace accident lawsuits drag on for years, disabled or injured workers are often forced to accept whatever settlements their employers choose to provide. In these compulsory settlements the worker loses the right to file complaints. 

For employers, accident compensation is simply a cost of doing business because in this environment compensating victims is cheaper than implementing preventative health and safety measures, he explained. 

“The practice of impunity after accidents encourages employers to violate the law, for all these reasons, workplace accidents in our country increase with each passing year,” he said. 

İSİG data indicates that workplace fatalities have generally increased since 2013.  

For organizers like Kılıçalp and Türkmen the fight for more humane working conditions is not just against employers but often the state. In addition to detaining and arresting much of BİRTEK-SEN’s leadership at the behest of management, police have also arrived at factories to publicly accuse BİRTEK-SEN of being terrorists and communists in an effort to discredit the union. 

“We are fighting to change this [poor working conditions], but we face employers, the power of the state, and pro-government unions trying to block us,” Kılıçalp said. 

“Whenever a worker faces a problem, they contact our union directly, and we take action — whether it’s unpaid wages, dismissal, or compensation issues, because of this, our leadership is targeted, detained and arrested due to complaints from employers,” he added.  

Obstacles to unionization

Bek said that increasing authoritarianism and anti-democratic practices in Turkey obstruct labor organizing. The freedom to unionize cannot be exercised effectively in an environment where court decisions are not recognized and constitutional rights are effectively suspended, he explained. 

Türkmen’s case is just one example of this. 

According to Bek, although the right to unionize is guaranteed by the Constitution, in practice, many workers who join unions are immediately dismissed and employers who do not accept workers’ rights to unionize often do not face legal consequences. 

Turkey’s unionization rates were about 15 percent in 2025 — about half that of 1970s levels. 

“The rights of our workers to unionize and organize are being obstructed so our country can become a cheap labor paradise for international capital,” Bek said. 

Kılıçalp works as a weaver and has witnessed layoffs first-hand. He said that in the 2000s one machine required three workers, then it was reduced to two and now, among some major companies, one worker does a job formerly intended for three. Wages have decreased despite this. Previously a skilled weaver could earn four times the minimum wage, now it is only double at about 55,000 - 56,000 TL, he said. 

According to Kılıçalp, many of the policies presented by the state as solutions have actually kept workers trapped in cycles of debt, thus dependent on their employers and harder to organize. 

Loans offered by Turkey's Housing Development Administration (TOKİ) coerce workers into tolerating poor conditions out of fears of losing their jobs and homes. Additionally, banks have frequently given credit cards to workers since the 2000s, who are often unable to pay off the balance and saddled with debt, he said. 

Kılıçalp said these don’t get to the heart of what workers truly need. 

“Workers want safe conditions, they don’t want to die or be injured at work,” said Kılıçalp. “They want full union and social rights, control over their leave, job security, and a living wage; we are trying to fight for these demands.” 

“This is class struggle — between workers and those who exploit them,” he added.   

Kılıçalp hopes that more workers will support and join their movement. 

“Don’t leave us alone, this needs to be a common struggle — the world’s working class needs to unite, first locally in Antep, then in Turkey, then all over the world,” he said. (İK/VK)

Mükerrem Ünlüer, the governor, confirmed to the state-run Anadolu Agency (AA) that the attack took place at Ayser Çalık Middle School for reasons that remain unknown. 

"There is an ongoing attack at the moment. A tragic incident occurred in one of our schools. We have received information that there are injured people. We are investigating the matter deeply," the governor was quoted as saying.

Fatalities confirmed

The governor later issued a separate statement aired live, confirming fatalities in the incident. He said three students and a teacher were killed and 20 others were wounded. Four of the wounded are in serious condition.

The perpetrator was identified as a 16-year-old former student of the school. He was carrying five firearms and seven magazines during the attack, the governor said.

The perpetrator's father was a former security officer, he said, adding, "We think he took his farther's weapons."

The father was later taken into custody. Media reports indicate that he will be questioned regarding how his son obtained the weapons and whether he trained his son to use firearms.

Footage circulating on social media showed people, including students, jumping off second and third floors of the school building to escape the assailant.

In the evening, Interior Minister Mustafa Çiftçi announced that fatalities rose to nine while six of the wounded were in intensive care:

"I am deeply saddened by this [attack]. Just as the morning shift students were about to leave, an 8th-grade student—who was still in school—opened fire indiscriminately with weapons he had brought from home, causing a big massacre at the school.

"As a result of this incident, we have lost 9 lives. Eight of them were students, and one was a teacher. There are 13 injured, 6 of whom are in intensive care. Three are in critical condition."

Broadcast ban

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek announced that an investigation has been launched into the incident and a broadcast ban has been imposed. The ban covers images from the scene.

The Radio and Television Supreme Council (RTÜK) also issued a statement regarding the incident, calling for strict adherence to the broadcasting principles outlined in Law No. 6112.

The statement emphasized that footage of the incident and traumatic content must under no circumstances be shared:

"Any information or visual material that could violate the privacy of the victims, students, and their families or reveal their identities must be avoided; interviews with the victims’ families or eyewitnesses must not be conducted, and no footage from the scene of the incident should be broadcast.

"To prevent the spread of misinformation, only statements from authorized authorities should be relied upon, and a measured tone should be used. Legal proceedings will be initiated without delay against any publications that disregard social sensitivities and the mental health of children."

Later, media reports said that an investigation was opened into social media accounts that shared footage from the incident despite the ban and identified 63 accounts.

Two shootings in two days

The incident follows a similar attack yesterday in Urfa. A 19-year-old former student opened fire at a high school, wounding 16 people. The assailant killed himself as police attempted to persuade him to surrender.

Turkey rarely experiences school shootings with multiple casualties. (VK)

E.A., a university student, applied to the cardiology department of a health facility in İzmir, where she is studying, with a complaint of "intense palpitations."

E.A., was examined by cardiologist A.E. in early February with a friend present. When E.A. went back to the doctor on Feb 18, to show her blood results from earlier tests, she was subjected to sexual assault by the doctor according to her statement.

According to the woman's account, the male doctor verbally harassed her during the examination using expressions such as "Do you have a boyfriend? You are very beautiful, I am glad I met you," and attempted physical harassment.

E.A. left the room and reported the situation by calling the 112 emergency line. Doctor A.E. was taken into custody and subsequently arrested.

The indictment prepared as a result of the investigation conducted by the İzmir Chief Public Prosecutor's Office stated that the doctor's actions were not "instantaneous" but a chain of behavior spread throughout the examination process. The act was described as "sexual assault exceeding the level of molestation."

The indictment also stated that the crime should be considered within the scope of "aggravated circumstances" due to the doctor-patient relationship, and a prison sentence of 3 to 7 years was requested. The doctor's trial began on Apr 1 after the İzmir 33rd Penal Court of First Instance accepted the indictment.

However, the presiding judge's statements normalizing the incident during the hearing led the plaintiff's lawyers to submit a request for the recusal of the judge. The judge had said, "A doctor can ask a patient to undress, look at where gynecologists look," according to the lawyers.

The court decided to release the defendant, citing the nature and quality of the crime attributed to the defendant, the fact that evidence had been largely collected, and the time he spent in detention.

E.A. and her lawyers Han Yıldırım and Rana Melisnur Duran spoke to bianet about the process.

'My boundaries were seriously violated'

E.A. recounted her experience during the examination:

"I am studying social services. At the time of the incident, I was doing an internship at the hospital in question as part of an applied course. Later, the hospital was demolished, and I moved to the Karabağlar Neighborhood Polyclinic with the community mental health team I worked with.

"One day while my internship was continuing, I experienced heart palpitations. It was quite an intense palpitation. Since the polyclinic was a small building, there was only one cardiology doctor. The people with me directed me there. An EKG and X-ray were taken there. Then I was called for a second examination. I went again on a day I was available. In the third stage, a blood test was requested. I received a message for the blood test on Feb 18. I went down to the doctor's room alone when I was available. At that time, the secretary was not there.

"During the examinations, I had to take off my shirt to be examined three times. That is, rather than an examination, my boundaries were seriously violated. A disturbing situation occurred both physically and verbally. The doctor asked me questions like 'You are very beautiful, do you have a boyfriend?' He was quite close to me and was touching my heart during the examination. When I said I had a boyfriend, he used expressions like 'Don't dwell on that, your heart will ache.'

"While the stethoscope was over my heart during the examination, he also opened the right side of my bra with his other hand and watched my right breast for a long time. Meanwhile, I tried to leave the room. It was said that an ECHO would be taken; however, I first left the room and called my friends. Later, I wanted to go back down and have the procedure done. During the ECHO, the doctor said there might be a problem with my heart valve, and this made me even more nervous.

"Later I was called to his room again. This time, he uttered similar words like 'You are very beautiful, I am glad you came.' Just as I thought we were going to shake hands as I was leaving the room, I extended my hand and he pulled me towards him and kissed me on the cheeks. Upon this, I went out immediately, called my friends and my boyfriend, and explained what happened. Then we started the legal process."

(TY/VK)

After years of tension between Iraq and the international community, a significant turning point occurred in 2002. On 16 September, Saddam Hussein notified the United Nations that Iraq would accept weapons inspections. Shortly after, on 13 November 2002, Iraq formally accepted UN Resolution 1441. Inspections began on 27 November, creating a brief moment of global relief, a sense that war might be avoided, that diplomacy had prevailed.

It was precisely at this moment -when the world exhaled, feeling to relieved from war pressure- that Öcalan, imprisoned on İmralı Island, offered a radically different reading of the situation. During a meeting with his lawyers, he reportedly responded to the prevailing optimism with a stark warning: Saddam’s acceptance would not save him. Iraq would fall anyway. Then Syria would follow. After Syria, Iran. And if Turkey continued its existing political line -implying if not to make a deal with the Kurds- it would be the next target. What he articulated was not a prediction in the narrow sense, but a broader interpretation of a regional trajectory shaped by long-term imperial strategy in the Middle East.

At the time, this statement did not resonate. Neither Turkish authorities nor wider political circles treated it as a serious geopolitical assessment. Yet, in retrospect, what stands out is not simply the sequence he described, but the structural logic underlying it.

In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq, and the Saddam Hussein regime collapsed shortly thereafter. Less than a decade later, the Arab uprisings began, reshaping the political landscape of the region. Syria descended into civil war, culminating -after years of devastation- in the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024. Around the same period, escalating tensions with Iran, including direct confrontations involving the United States and Israel which the war is still going on, once again pushed the region toward wider conflict.

Seen from a longer historical perspective, these developments suggest something more than a series of disconnected crises. They point toward the gradual unraveling of a geopolitical order that had structured the Middle East for roughly a century; an order commonly associated with the Sykes-Picot Agreement. If that framework shaped the twentieth century, its limits became increasingly visible in the twenty-first. A critical moment in this regard emerged in 2014, when ISIS advanced across Iraq and Syria, effectively erasing large parts of the borders that had once been treated as fixed. At that point, it became clear that the previous regional design had lost its coherence.

What has been unfolding over the past decades can therefore be understood as a process of dismantling this older Middle Eastern configuration and the gradual, uneven imposition of a new one. This process, however, is far from linear. It is marked by unexpected turns, shifting alliances, and outcomes that cannot be fully anticipated. If there is a pattern, it lies not in precise prediction, but in recognizing that the region is undergoing a structural reconfiguration whose final form remains uncertain.

Within this broader transformation, the renewed circulation of a particular discourse is striking -especially in Turkey: the idea of a sequential geopolitical line- Iraq, Syria, Iran, and potentially Turkey. This narrative has gained increasing traction in political debates and public discussions. Yet many who now articulate this sequence do so without any reference to Öcalan’s earlier formulation of precisely this trajectory more than two decades ago.

This disconnection reveals something important: not only about Öcalan’s capacity for long-term geopolitical reading, but also about the selective memory of political discourse. Statements can be ignored when they challenge dominant assumptions, only to be later reproduced -detached from their original source- once reality begins to align with them.

At the same time, this situation exposes a second layer: a form of political hypocrisy or strategic amnesia. The same analytical frameworks that were once dismissed are now being adopted, but without acknowledgment. The voice that articulated them remains excluded, even as its analytical structure becomes normalized.

Yet the fourth element of Öcalan’s statement- concerning Turkey- introduces a more complex question. For a long time, this part appeared less plausible than the others. Unlike Iraq, Syria, or Iran, Turkey is a member of NATO, and under Article 5, an attack on one member is treated as an attack on all. Within this framework, the idea of Turkey being directly targeted by external military intervention has seemed unlikely, if not impossible.

However, this assumption rests on the stability of the alliance itself. What if that stability can no longer be taken for granted? What if the period of NATO -established in opposition to the Warsaw Pact-  has already expired? In recent years, tensions within NATO, particularly in the context of shifting U.S. foreign policy, have raised questions about its long-term coherence. The approach associated with Donald Trump -marked by skepticism toward alliances and a willingness to disrupt established geopolitical arrangements- has already demonstrated that the transatlantic framework is not immune to internal erosion.

This opens up a new line of reflection. If NATO were to weaken significantly, transform, or even dissolve, the protective framework surrounding Turkey would also be altered. What has so far functioned as a structural barrier could become uncertain. In that case, the fourth element of Öcalan’s earlier statement would no longer appear implausible, but contingent; dependent not on Turkey alone, but on the fate of the broader alliance system in which it is embedded.

This does not mean that such an outcome is inevitable. Rather, it highlights the importance of considering geopolitical scenarios beyond their current institutional configurations. Just as the Sykes-Picot order appeared stable for decades before entering a phase of dissolution, contemporary alliances may also prove less permanent than they seem.

In this sense, the significance of Öcalan’s statement lies not in prophetic accuracy, but in its structural perspective. It attempts to read geopolitical developments as part of a longer continuum rather than as isolated events. What matters is not whether every detail unfolds exactly as stated, but that a particular way of interpreting the region -through sequences, transformations, and underlying strategic logics -was articulated early on and largely ignored.

Today, as discussions about the future of the Middle East intensify, the question is not only what will happen next, but how such developments are understood. The re-emergence of this earlier framework invites a reconsideration: not only of past statements, but of the conditions under which certain voices are dismissed, ignored, or later appropriated.

In this sense, the issue is not only geopolitical foresight. It is also about recognition: who is allowed to interpret the future, and whose interpretations are only acknowledged after they become unavoidable. (SD/VK)

The charges stemmed from allegations discussed during a program on Halk TV aired on Oct 8, 2024.

During the broadcast, the journalists discussed claims regarding ongoing trade between Turkey and Israel despite Ankara's sanctions, as well as alleged gold smuggling through the VIP section of İstanbul Airport.

Defense statements

The journalists did not attend the hearing, but their lawyers were present. The prosecutor requested that the court penalize the journalists for the alleged crimes.

Gamze Pamuk, the lawyer for Şule Aydın, challenged the prosecutor's opinion.

"We do not agree with the prosecution's opinion. It lacks a legal basis. Our client Şule Aydın is the moderator of this broadcast. Criminal responsibility cannot be individualized. No concrete act has been established regarding our client. The material elements of the crime did not occur. Our client served as a moderator in the event subject to the crime. She performed her duty within the boundaries of criminal law and freedom of expression," Pamuk said.

Buse Şahin, representing Barış Pehlivan and Timur Soykan, argued that there was no clear link in the indictment or the opinion between specific actions and the crimes charged.

"Freedom of expression was exercised in this incident. There is no statement aimed at spreading misleading information or threatening public peace. Timur Soykan is being targeted for punishment because he asked journalist Murat Ağırel a question about a news report. We demand acquittal," Şahin stated.

Özge Naz Akkaya, lawyer for Murat Ağırel, said the legal elements for the three charges against her client were not met. Akkaya noted that the crime of "publicly spreading misleading information" requires a motive of fear and panic. 

She stated that Ağırel's remarks were based on presidential statements, TurkStat data, and reports from TRT and Anadolu Agency.

Regarding the charge of "insulting religious values," she argued that the phrase "political Islam" cannot be considered a religious value.

For the "violation of confidentiality" charge, she said the information shared concerned a matter of public interest and did not violate any confidentiality orders.

Sentences

The court acquitted Şule Aydın of the charges.

Timur Soykan was acquitted of "publicly spreading misleading information" and "publicly insulting religious values adopted by a section of the public."

However, the court sentenced Soykan to 10 months in prison for "violation of confidentiality" and deferred the announcement of the verdict.

Barış Pehlivan was acquitted of "violation of confidentiality" but received a prison sentence of 1 year and 3 months for "publicly spreading misleading information."

Murat Ağırel was acquitted of "violation of confidentiality" and "publicly insulting religious values adopted by a section of the public."

The court sentenced Ağırel to 1 year and 3 months in prison for "publicly spreading misleading information." (HA/VK)

In today’s political discourse, the theory of "general will" developed by Rousseau is used as "national will" with the purpose of using it as a political instrument for legitimizing power and maintaining authoritarian regimes, especially in countries where a pluralistic democratic culture is weak. In other words, it may not be wrong to underline that the general will is interpreted for the justification of totalitarian democracy, where the state has the power to keep the society under strict control.

The theory known as the "social contract," developed by leading thinkers of the Enlightenment, was essentially developed with the aim of transforming the source of legitimate political power from “divine/godly will” to the society’s ordinary people. Discussions on Rousseau's general will have been continuing at political forums, and a twisted form of it has been called “national will”.

According to the theory, all political power and authority are transferred from God to an abstract sovereign power, claimed to represent "the entire population," called the "general will". This assertion attributes to the general will an absolute political power justified by claiming it represents "the entire population."

The concept of the general will is based on the assumption that different social groups existing in a society will have a "common good/will." In other words, it is supposed that all different ethnic and religious groups, social classes conflicting with each other with different economic interests, different gender groups, and civil society groups all have a common good and will.

Rousseau described the concept of the general will as indivisible, infallible, essential, and inalienable; it is adopted as a concept encompassing and representing all differences and conflicting interests, especially in underdeveloped societies where a democratic culture has not developed, even if it does not reflect the majority of the electorate. In other words, the concept of the general will is understood as the supreme will of the entire nation/society, assuming it is above all the individual interests and wills of citizens. Also, this concept is glorified and used as a political discourse that legitimizes populist, authoritarian, and antidemocratic practices by those who use this concept in the name of the political majority, especially in the absence of constitutional oversight mechanisms. On the other hand, by upholding the "unity of powers" rather than a "separation of powers," Rousseau's theory of "general will" leads to legitimizing authoritarian regimes. In this respect, the unity of powers defends an understanding of absolute sovereignty and provides a philosophical base for authoritarian regimes.

Since Rousseau’s “general will” is accepted as "always right and infallible” and represents the common good of a society, it implies a monistic view where any conflicting opinion with the general will is considered wrong. This argument allows the majority leader, or any leader claiming to represent the genuine interest of the people, to reject all opposing views, as Rousseau argues that the general will represents the good of all society and individuals. Rousseau also says that individuals must alienate all their rights to the community in a total surrender in order to ensure equality, and claimed that obedience to this general will won’t be harmful to the individual’s freedom.

General Will & Jacobins

The theory of the "general will," under the influence of Maximilien Robespierre, was recognized and adopted by the Jacobins, who carried out the French Revolution; this concept was used to justify all policies applied to transforming the society into a nation-state based on a unitary system under the French entity. Briefly, the theory of the general will was used as an effective political instrument, interpreted by the Jacobins as "national will," and constituted the intellectual and conceptual basis of all policies and legislation. Thus, it is observed that this concept was used by the Jacobins in radical changes aimed at liquidating the old regime institutions, the monarchy, and the church, and eliminating their influence on society.

The Jacobins, who seized power in France after the revolution, imposed their goals on society regardless of the social cost, and justified using any means, including violence, to achieve their aims. The Jacobins, having secured a majority in the Constituent Assembly, asserted that popular sovereignty was represented by the assembly, and it meant the Assembly represented the “general will” that everyone must obey. This way of thinking leads to the justification and legitimizing of “majority despotism.” They declared supporters of the old regime and those opposed to the revolution as enemies of the people and applied terror under the guise of "the despotism of freedom." Furthermore, to justify their violent policies, they employed the rhetoric of "internal enemies," repeatedly claiming that "they were more dangerous than external enemies," thereby continuing their search for legitimacy and sending approximately 40,000 people to the guillotine. The Jacobins used accusations such as "corrupt person" and "enemy of the people" against all their political rivals, portraying the elimination of these "immoral people" by the guillotine as an unavoidable necessity for the protection of the common good.

As briefly outlined, a close relationship between Rousseau’s general will and direct democracy has been endorsed, and the general will constituted the philosophical basis that legitimized authoritarian regimes.

On the other hand, the Jacobins, interpreting Rousseau's views—which rejected the separation of powers and granted absolute and unlimited authority to sovereignty—in a way that suited their own purposes, implemented a system in which the powers of the three branches of government were united in the assembly. Taking this understanding even further, the Jacobins argued that the decisions made by the majority in the Assembly represent the concrete expression of the will of the people. So, they claimed the legitimacy to govern the citizens under the absolute power of the Jacobins.

Conclusion

The theory put forward by Rousseau, through its implementation within the representative system, ultimately leads to the conclusion that the political group(s) in power is always right and that everything it does is correct, legitimizing authoritarian rule and disregarding the rights and interests of other political groups.

Therefore, while attributing great power to the will of the majority, individual freedoms are ignored. Rousseau's doctrine has always been criticized, particularly by libertarian thinkers and commentators, for attributing absolute power to the general will and sovereignty, leading to interpretations that grant unlimited authority to political power over the individual and its availability to be used as a tool of political oppression.

The glorification of the concept of national will—according to the Jacobin theory of national sovereignty which replaced the general will—asserts that the "nation," a spiritual entity separate from the individuals of a country's inhabitants, is the sole and legitimate source of sovereignty, and that it is exercised through its elected representatives.

Today, the national will, by being accepted as if it were a "sacred" concept that legitimately ignores the conflict of different interests, encompasses and represents the entire society with its differences and has gained a kind of popular recognition. Particularly, populist parties adopting it and employing populist rhetoric legitimize authoritarian regimes to govern all voters, including those who voted for them and those who did not, even in cases of representing only a certain percentage of voters with conflicting interests—sometimes 25-35 percent. As a result, all voters become dependent on the preferences of those in power.

As is seen, the theory of the general will is based on the assumption that voters express their free will through their votes and a common will emerges, even though all voters cast their votes for different preferences. However, this assumption has not been confirmed by social and political realities. On this issue, social scientists and jurists think in the same way, stating that elections do not reflect a common will and that in a democratic society, it is not possible to obtain a result where all voters made the same choice.

Historical observation shows us that, although elections are regarded as a primary condition of democracy, they are not sufficient for the establishment of a well-functioning democratic system. It is also observed that the holding of elections, in many cases, does not even reflect the will of the majority of the people. On the other hand, considering that elections are conducted under the influence of effective, economically powerful groups that dominate the communication means capable of shaping society, we are reminded to discuss to what extent the outcomes of elections reflect the will of the people. (NT/VK)

The Diyarbakır 12th Penal Court of First Instance reached the verdict today during the tenth hearing of a retrial which Boltan did not attend. 

His lawyer, Resul Temur, argued during the defense that the statements were made within the scope of freedom of expression. Temur noted that Boltan was acting as a representative of a journalists' association at the time.

Boltan is the former co-chair of the Free Journalists Association (ÖGC) and former head of the Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG), both active in the Kurdish-populated regions.

Temur noted that the remarks were intended as criticism following the killing of a journalist in Cizre, Diyarbakır, during clashes between security forces and local militia. 

"The client made the statements subject to trial because he is both a journalist and knew Rohat Aktaş closely," he said. 

BİA MEDIA MONITORING REPORT 2025

Those who want to silence journalists are now more brazen!

20 January 2026

Background

The case originated from an indictment prepared by the Diyarbakır Chief Public Prosecutor's Office in 2019. It listed President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Ahmet Davutoğlu, the PM at the time of the incident, as complainants.

Boltan made the statement in question on Feb 11, 2016, condemning the death of Rohat Aktaş, the former managing editor of Azadiya Welat, the only Kurdish-language daily newspaper in Turkey for a long time.

In Jun 2021, the local court had initially sentenced Boltan to separate prison terms for insulting both Erdoğan and Davutoğlu.

The 2nd Penal Chamber of the Diyarbakır Regional Court of Justice, the appeals court, overturned that decision in Oct 2022.

The appeals court ruled that establishing separate convictions constituted an excessive sentence. The case was subsequently sent back to the local penal court of first instance for the retrial concluded today. (HA/VK)

"Crime groups enjoy having their names advertised, whether in a good or bad way. Their target audience is children. Our ministry is making legal arrangements for children dragged into crime. Sentence amounts will also be increased," Dönmez said today at a meeting with journalists, according to the state-run Anadolu Agency (AA).

CILDREN PUSHED INTO CRIME SPEAK OUT

'Everyone looks at us from the outside, they should see from the inside too'

13 January 2026

The chief prosecutor urged media outlets to avoid using names of such groups to prevent them from gaining public visibility. "Their goal is only to advertise. Our duty here is to minimize the advertising part. We want the names of organizations not to be featured in news," he stated.

The regulations are expected to be part of an upcoming judicial reform package.

In recent years, Turkey has seen the emergence of "new generation crime organizations" that use cartoon character aliases like the "Caspers" or "Daltons." These groups reportedly recruit a significant number of minors into their ranks.

Juvenile delinquency in Turkey: Nearly 20,000 children under 'judicial control measures'

1 December 2021

Juvenile delinquency stats

According to 2025 data recently released by the Justice Ministry, there has been an increase in the number of files and crimes involving children dragged into crime. Prosecutor offices held a total of 332,648 files, where 330,496 children were investigated for 683,823 different crime types.

The data shows that 125,086 files involving 143,196 children were carried over from the previous year. In 2025, 207,562 new files were opened, involving 187,300 children and 412,893 crime types. While 209,022 files were resolved, 123,626 files were transferred to the current year.

The population of the 0-17 age group in Turkey is 21.8 million.

2025 justice statistics reveal one in five people in Turkey were suspects

13 April 2026

(NÖ/VK)

The incident occurred at the Siverek Ahmet Koyuncu Vocational and Technical High School when the individual entered the school and fired randomly at those inside with a shotgun.

The Interior Ministry announced that the casualties include 10 students, four teachers, one police officer, and one canteen operator. The wounded were transported to Siverek State Hospital for treatment. Authorities have not yet shared detailed information regarding their medical conditions.

Teen arrested after allegedly neo-Nazi inspired stabbing spree in Turkey's Eskişehir

14 August 2024

During the attack, the perpetrator reportedly took several students hostage inside the building, according to the statement. Police later rescued some of them.

The ministry stated that special operations teams sent to the scene attempted to persuade the individual to surrender and the shooter killed himself during this process.

Şanlıurfa Governor Hasan Şıldak announced that the perpetrator was born in 2007 and was a former student at the school. He was currently enrolled in open education.

Law enforcement agencies have launched an investigation into the incident. (TY/VK)

Opened a year ago despite objections from urban rights defenders, ecology organizations, and Kadıköy residents, Terminal Kadıköy became a subject of controversy due to the cutting of hundreds of trees, the displacement of dogs living in the area, increased traffic density, and the transformation of public spaces into profit areas.

Today, it has become nearly impossible to walk in Söğütlüçeşme, an important public transport hub on the Asian side housing metrobus, commuter rail, and intercity train stations, especially due to extreme weekend crowding. Also, safety issues arise as vehicle traffic and pedestrians are forced to move together within the same narrow and congested space.

During peak hours when crowds intensify, people attempt to cross the area by bumping into each other, squeezed together and moving slowly.

This route, where normal circulation is already impossible on match days due to the Chobani Stadium located about 500 meters away where Fenerbahçe plays its matches, both complicates daily life and seriously risks the public use of the space.

Tugay Kartal, a retired chief dispatcher from the State Railways (TCDD) and a member of the Haydarpaşa Solidarity platform, said, "We stated from the beginning that this area was turned into a slump area to generate consent for the project. Indeed, our objections have been proven right."

Will historical bath be moved?

Kartal stated there are significant signs that the viaduct planned for the area, which has still not opened, will be used for commercial purposes rather than railway functions.

He noted they received reports that the historical Söğütlüçeşme Bath will be moved as part of the project:

"We predicted that what was being built here was not for railway transport or passenger services; on the contrary, it serves as a commercial activity aimed at contributing to capital accumulation.

"At the point reached today, we see the area has been turned into a consumption space through various events and celebrations. If the purpose of the viaduct was truly to serve the railway, it should have been opened for use by now. However, while nearly 1.5 to 2 years have passed since the opening of commercial areas and food and beverage venues, the viaduct is still not completed and is not in use. According to the information we received, there are serious signs that the viaduct will be used for commercial purposes rather than its railway function.

"As is known, the viaduct initially had a single-sided entrance. There was an entry from the Ankara direction, while the other side was closed due to the historical Söğütlüçeşme Bath. According to our information, it is planned to move this historical structure to connect the viaduct to the main line and provide two-way entry and exit. Thus, a ring line is intended between Haydarpaşa Station [railroad terminal] and Söğütlüçeşme to carry customers to Haydarpaşa via the Marmaray [commuter rail] connection. 

"In other words, they want to establish a system that facilitates access to a consumption center decorated with archaeological elements."

Earthquake risk

Kartal said that the density here will increase further with new projects and that balanced solutions should have been produced instead of such accumulation in Kadıköy:

"We previously said this project was an urban crime and a gentrification center. Today, people may go to this area to eat, drink, attend concerts, and shop. This interest or situation does not eliminate the density and negativity created by the project.

"The effects of the electrical infrastructure used on the [train lines] on human health have not been sufficiently measured. Additionally, the lighting and illumination create a serious disturbance, especially during night hours.

"Despite the risk of an İstanbul earthquake, the density in the region increases every day. New transport projects and the project to renovate the Kadıköy Municipality building seem likely to increase this burden further. In an already dense area like Kadıköy, solutions should have been produced to distribute human and traffic circulation more balanceably instead of such a large accumulation."

About the project

In 2022, the viaduct area around Söğütlüçeşme Railway Station, belonging to the TCDD and partially to the İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB), was opened for construction to build a shopping center.

Under the project announced as the Station-Mall, a series of commercial areas were planned using the build-operate-transfer model. In return, it was stated that an additional viaduct for rail transport would be built.

With the start of the project, hundreds of trees were cut down, and the ecological fabric of Kadıköy was damaged. As a result of the long struggle by Haydarpaşa Solidarity and some urban defense groups, some changes were made to the project; it was announced that the construction rate was reduced and some trees were protected. However, in Apr 2025, the area was transformed into a consumption center featuring venues and brands opened under the names Terminal Kadıköy and YEDİ DE YEDİ Terminal.

Designed by Tabanlıoğlu Architects, Terminal Kadıköy consists of shops with 16,000 square meters of leasable area on a 45,000 square meter site.

The total cost of the project, built with the build-operate-transfer model, is 70 million euros. The main operator, Akfen Tourism, will operate the facility for 29 years.

Criticisms directed at the project argue that urban rights, public interest, and ecological balance are ignored for the benefit of private capital.

(TY/VK)

The investigation saw raids conducted across İstanbul, Ankara, Dersim, Antalya, and Elazığ following the emergence of new evidence and secret witness testimony.

Among those detained are Zainal Abakarov, Doku's former boyfriend and the primary suspect, and his stepfather Engin Yücer, a dismissed police officer.

DOKU MISSING FOR 2 YEARS

‘They have stalled us for 2 years, saying that they will find Gülistan’

6 January 2022

The list of detainees also includes Mustafa Türkay Sonel, the son of the Tuncay Sonel, the governor of the province at the time of the disappearance. 

Other suspects include university staff responsible for security cameras and a former bodyguard of the governor.

‘GÜLİSTAN DOKU’ STATEMENT BY ERDOĞAN

‘We made every effort, but could not find Gülistan’

26 January 2021

The lawyer for the Doku family, Ali Çimen, stated that the detentions were based on suspicions of "homicide."

"The detentions will continue. Senior public officials have not been detained yet, but they likely will be," he said. "From this point on, the goal is to uncover the criminal organization formed around a high-level public official," Çimen said. 

Anonymous note 

The investigation gained momentum after an anonymous note mentioning Mustafa Türkay Sonel was left for the family lawyer, Habertürk reported citing police sources.

Subsequent analysis of vehicle movements on the night of the disappearance found that Sonel's activities were "incompatible with the ordinary flow of events," according to the report.

Water drained from dam, Gülistan Doku searched on soil ground

12 August 2020

Technical examinations of Doku's phone traffic, social media accounts, and bank transfers expanded the scope of the case. According to investigative findings, a "visible circle" was established around the Doku family by certain public officials to control their contacts and social media posts.

The probe also revealed discrepancies regarding Doku's SIM card, which was reportedly withheld from official records despite claims it had been delivered to the prosecutor's office.

Background

Gülistan Doku, a second-year child development student at Munzur University, disappeared on Jan 4, 2020. She was 21 years old at the time. While initial search efforts focused on the Uzunçayır Dam Lake following a signal from her mobile phone, no trace of her was found despite the dam being drained. 

Investigations later revealed that Abakarov had access to the case file as early as Feb 2020 through his stepfather, a police officer at the time, and had sent messages indicating he knew his phone would be confiscated. The stepfather was later dismissed from his job.

Mother and sister of missing Gülistan Doku released from detention

7 September 2020

The case was reopened in Jun 2024 by Dersim Chief Prosecutor Ebru Cansu, who formed a specialized team to re-examine all city surveillance footage and license plate recognition records, according to the Habertürk reporting.

In February this year, Doku’s sister, Aygül Doku, publicly claimed that the public had been misled by a "suicide" narrative and that the family possessed documents proving the case was a murder involving public officials. (VK)

The sentence that National Education Minister Yusuf Tekin used in a speech in Van, "By this indicator, we are above OECD averages," quickly moved to the center of the education agenda. The language of politics often spreads faster than numbers; a single sentence reaches millions, becomes a headline, and creates debate. However, especially in areas that directly concern the future of society like education, the meaning evoked by sentences must exactly match the data they are based on.

At this point, the statement by the minister deserves a careful reading.

This is because the expression in question creates a broad perception at first glance that Turkey has surpassed the OECD average in educational success. Yet, when looking at the context of the speech, it is clearly seen that this relates not to academic success, but to physical indicators in the educational infrastructure. In particular, the decrease in the number of students per classroom stands out as the main basis for this discourse.

Up to here, the matter is clear: The data may be correct in terms of infrastructure.

However, when "OECD average" is mentioned, the first thing that comes to mind in the public is not the number of classes; it is where the student stands in mathematics, reading, and science.

Turkey’s strong area: Physical infrastructure

Credit must be given where it is due. In the last 20 years, a serious capacity increase has occurred in the educational infrastructure. The rise in the number of classrooms, new school investments, smart board applications, internet access, and digital education materials have carried Turkey to a much stronger point compared to the past.

Today, access to technology, the use of digital content, and physical classroom opportunities in many schools have progressed to an extent that does not accept comparison with past periods.

From this perspective, it is not surprising to catch or even exceed the OECD level in indicators such as the number of students per classroom in some areas.

But education is not only buildings.

Nevertheless, reading education policies only through buildings, internet lines, and smart boards leaves the big picture incomplete.

The real decisive question is this:

What is the quality of the student raised in those classrooms?

International success measurements show us that Turkey has made significant progress in recent years. Especially in the PISA 2022 results, a more positive picture emerged compared to previous periods. However, the same data also show that it is necessary to remain cautious before saying that Turkey has permanently surpassed the OECD average in mathematics, reading, and science fields.

In other words, school buildings may have exceeded the OECD level; but it does not yet seem possible to form the same sentence with the same ease for the academic output of the student.

When evaluated within context, the expression of the minister carries a technical accuracy regarding physical infrastructure. However, when the context is not clearly emphasized, this discourse can evoke a more positive picture in society regarding academic success than what exists.

Precisely for this reason, in order to inform the public healthily, it is no longer a preference but a necessity to clearly state which indicator the statements are talking about.

Because in a strategic area like education, the need of society is not slogans, but measurable and comparable truth.

There are two different photographs of Turkey.

The first is a story of extremely strong investment in terms of classrooms, technology, and physical capacity.

The second is a more realistic picture showing that there is still a distance to be covered in the student’s critical thinking, reading skills, mathematical proficiency, and scientific productivity.

Real success in education is measured not by the size of the school building, but by the competitive power of the student coming out of that building with the world.

Today, what needs to be discussed is exactly this:

Surpassing the OECD in concrete is one thing, surpassing it in the mind is another. (AÖ/NÖ/VK)

Data shows that in 2025, prosecutors faced nearly 13.3 million files, including those transferred from previous years. The number of suspects in these files is over 16.7 million people.

A total of 22.9 million criminal allegations were made. In other words, one out of every five people was a suspect according to the state in 2025.

Of the 13.3 million case files, 6 million were opened within 2025. Crimes against property, crimes against liberty, and crimes against honor ranked in the top three among investigation files under the Turkish Penal Code (TCK).

Number of investigations rose by 57%

The number of investigation files arriving at prosecutor offices increased by 57% in a decade.

While the number of files reaching the chief public prosecutor offices was 7.4 million in 2016, it rose to 11.6 million in 10 years with an increase rate of 57.7%.

In investigations conducted by prosecutor offices, 48.4% of the 11.67 million files, including those transferred from previous years, were resolved. Decisions of non-prosecution took first place with 48.5%. Public lawsuits were filed for 36.8%. This was followed by other decisions at 14.7%.

Workload of penal courts

There was also an increase in the workload of penal courts in 2025. Some 3.8 million case files came before the penal courts. This number was 2.4 million in 2016. The file load of penal courts increased by 58.4% in 10 years. A total of 3.9 million people stood trial in 2025.

These courts resolved 3.4 million cases. They issued convictions in 43.4% and acquittals in 20.3%. Additionally, decisions to defer the announcement of the verdict were made in 21.6%, while other decisions accounted for 14.7%.

The total number of files resolved in penal courts in 2025 was recorded as 2.3 million.

Average duration in penal courts is 248 days

The duration of trials was also noteworthy. In 2025, the average processing time for a file was 155 days in chief public prosecutor offices, 248 days in penal courts, and 243 days in civil courts. The longest average duration was seen in enforcement and bankruptcy offices with 883 days.

During the same period, the average duration in tax courts rose from 139 days to 152 days, while it decreased from 97 days to 74 days in the court of jurisdictional disputes.

Violence against women: More than 1 million decisions

The increase in preventive measure decisions issued under Law No. 6284 as part of the fight against violence against women continued.

In 2025, the number of people given preventive measures was 1.04 million, and the number of measures was 1.48 million. The number of people given protective measures was 15,975, and the number of measures was recorded as 22,618.

The most common decision in preventive measures was the order not to engage in words or behaviors aimed at violence or fear. Under this heading, 480,299 measure decisions were issued.

This was followed by 379,422 decisions ordered to not approach the protected persons, or their residence, school, and workplace.

Over 330,000 faced investigations

In 2025, the number of files belonging to children dragged into crime at the investigation stage in chief public prosecutor offices was recorded as 332,648. The number of children in these files was 330,496.

Regarding conviction decisions for children in penal courts, prison sentences were given in 28,255 files, while judicial fines were given in 21,362 files.

Gender gap

Human resources data for the judicial organization was also included in the report. As of 2025, the total number of judges was 18,386 and the number of prosecutors was 8,518. However, gender equality could not be achieved in the judiciary.

It was observed that female judges only outnumbered male judges in the Court of Cassation and judicial first instance courts. While 47% of judges in the Court of Cassation are men and 53% are women, this ratio is 47.6% to 52.4% in judicial first instance courts. In contrast, only 24.4% of judges in the Constitutional Court, 44.3% in the Council of State, 37.9% in regional judicial courts, 32.9% in regional administrative courts, 31% in administrative and tax courts, and only 20.8% in the central organization are women.

The situation is more unequal in prosecutor offices. Only 3.6% of chief public prosecutors are women. Only 21.2% of public prosecutors consist of women. Additionally, there are no women in the prosecutor offices of the regional judicial courts, the Council of State, or the Court of Cassation.

On the other hand, the number of lawyers in Turkey rose to 206,678; this consisted of 106,663 male and 100,015 female lawyers.

Click to read the full report [Turkish]

(HA/VK)

He loved Gebze Prison the most. The prison became famous through his name…

Those in the ward had made a separate workspace for him. They thought he should work as he wished without anyone disturbing him.

If I am not mistaken, one of the subjects on his index cards during this imprisonment or when it ended was being an informant. The law had been enacted and it was mentioned alongside repentance. He wrote a book about it.

It had a two year validity period and was previously called the repentance law…

Now it is effective repentance…

Effective repentance, as it is known by the public; being an informant…

In fact, repentance and being an informant complement each other…

What Yalçın Küçük wrote in the book "The Confessions of Informants" published by Haziran Publishing in Apr 1987 appears as today’s judicial problem…

Yalçın Küçük said, "I have to analyze the dynamics of the phenomenon of being an informant."

According to him, who are the "informants"?

"The informant cannot get enough of confessing…

Fear is a human condition; I have no doubt.

However, humanity progresses in both a historical and individual sense as long as it is purified of fear.

People do not admit that they are afraid.

The fact that people do not admit they are afraid is as much a human condition as fear itself…"

"The informant vomits themselves."

After this title, he included a line from a poem…

"This man

Sold his friend;

Sold the bloody, severed head of his friend

On a golden tray….

Fear,

Wanders at the feet of this man,

Like his shadow…"

In the introduction to the section "Nightingale Artists in the '51 Arrests," he wrote the following:

"The informant is a new identity.

The informant is a new scenario in the same body.

The informant is the person who vomits their personality that has been accused and placed under the threat of punishment.

In this state, they are very different from breaks, dissolutions, and even turncoats.

A person needs to be shallow to be able to vomit themselves; there is a necessity for the vomited personality not to be settled. (…)

Man is a beautiful creature.

What comes hardest to a person is betrayal of themselves.

A person can endure torture; it must be very difficult for a person to endure their own betrayal of themselves."

"The informant is afraid…

What will happen to the informant? What will become of the informant?

The confession gets the informant out of prison.

Confession grants the informant an identity that can never become a personality."

These are Yalçın Küçük’s definitions of informants…

What has time shown?

The expectation of the state: "denunciation" and "being an informant"… In return, the reward for the informant is being able to leave prison… Who knows if what remains of such a life outside is anything but shame?

He had his pen and paper, but most importantly, he had his cards that he never left behind. He would write on them and take notes. The "writings" he did not write on his cards would neither become books nor articles… He would not reread what he wrote or make corrections. Just as he wrote them on his cards, his articles and books would be published exactly as they were written.

He lived like the articles he wrote. He loved his red silk scarves very much. He would wear them around his neck and walk around regardless of summer or winter. Neither he nor anyone else found it odd, and he also had a kalpak on his head… One of those red scarves stayed with me, I took it from him and did not give it back. Red scarves, articles, books, life, and death.

From Yalçın Küçük’s defense dated Sep 6, 1985, in the "Petition of Intellectuals" case…

"The real death is the removal of man from the prescriptions that make man human, the loss of his hope, and the loss of his beliefs…

The real death is the breaking of human dignity and the wounding of national dignity."

İlhan Berk comes to my mind…

"Death as if it Were a Daily Task"

The road keeps turning. Finally we stopped there.

We saw through the open door,

She sat spinning wool

The spindle in her hand.

A huge ball of yarn had rolled and stayed by the door.

We poked our heads over the threshold

And said 'How are you?'

As if she were moving a chair

She said 'We are just dying away.'

Without lifting her head,

Death as if it were a daily task.

A wind was beating the sea in front of her

That she looked at by lifting her head every now and then. (Fİ/EMK/VK)

The association called for the immediate suspension of the officers involved under the slogan "end violence in police stations."

The incident occurred at around 9.20 pm on Apr 11 when Özayar visited the Esenyurt Yunus Emre Şehit Kenan Kumaş Police Center to meet with a foreign client involved in a traffic accident, according to the bar association's statement.

Police Violence Against Lawyer: ‘What About Your Attorneyship Now?’

29 August 2019

Following the meeting, the lawyer requested to examine the case file. Officers told him no file existed and that the client would be held until Apr 13 without processing before being sent to a removal center.

Özayar then asked whether a detention warrant or prosecutorial instruction existed. Officers reportedly said there were no such instructions and denied his request to speak with the prosecutor on duty.

The association stated that three uniformed and one plainclothes officer then physically attacked Özayar. He was forcibly removed from the station and denied reentry.

Özayar contacted the 112 emergency line after falling ill due to the beating. He was taken to a hospital by ambulance, where he received a medical report documenting the assault before being discharged.

Call for accountability

The bar's Lawyer Rights Center condemned the attack, stating that violence against lawyers threatens the right to defense and fair trial principles.

The bar association demanded an effective and impartial criminal and administrative investigation and called for the preservation of camera footage. It also demanded immediate suspension of the responsible officers.

The association announced it will not assign lawyers to mandatory defense requests from the specific police station until the officers involved are removed from duty. (AB/VK)

The court also requested copies of relevant sections of the investigation file and all documents in the case file from the government.

İmamoğlu has been held at the Marmara penal court complex in Silivri, İstanbul since Mar 2025. He is being tried while in detention on charges of forming and leading a criminal organization, bribery, interfering with public tenders, and unlawfully obtaining personal data.

İmamoğlu appealed his detention to the Constitutional Court on May 13, 2025, but did not receive a result. While his file was pending, he applied to the ECtHR in Nov 2025.

The ECtHR placed the application on its agenda on Mar 23 and requested a defense from Turkey on Apr 13. The court directed six questions to the government.

Indictment seeks up to 2,352 years in prison for İmamoğlu

12 November 2025

Questions by the court

The questions cover a broad framework, ranging from the legal basis for the arrest to potential political motivations and whether the right to be elected and democratic participation were restricted.

The high court first asked whether İmamoğlu had exhausted effective domestic remedies. It then questioned whether the arrest was based on reasonable suspicion of a crime and if available evidence was sufficient to convince an objective observer that a crime had been committed.

The court also asked whether the decisions to continue the detention included relevant and sufficient justifications, if the duration of the detention was reasonable, and whether restrictions on file access prevented an effective right to appeal.

Four of the questions are standard inquiries the ECtHR makes in all detention applications. However, the fifth and sixth questions were asked for the first time in the case of İmamoğlu. These two questions cover whether the arrest was made for political motives and whether this claim directly targets his candidacy in the presidential elections.

The request for a defense from Turkey does not mean the ECtHR has found the application admissible or ruled on a violation. This stage is a procedural interim step where the court seeks a defense and additional information from the state. A decision on the merits of the application will be made later.

This period usually takes several months. However, the ECtHR decision for a priority review in this file could reduce the timeframe to six weeks. (HA/VK)

The jet carrying the Libyan delegation had crashed shortly after it took off from Ankara following a high-level visit.

Yavuzyılmaz pointed to a potential Israeli connection to the incident in a social media post on Apr 11.

Citing flight records, the MP noted that after the aircraft carrying the delegation arrived at Esenboğa Airport on Dec 23, it was initially brought to apron number 1, which is used for protocol. However, he claimed the aircraft was later moved to apron number 5, a remote area of the airport.

Arrival of Israeli jet

Yavuzyılmaz alleged that an Israeli jet arrived from Italy at 5.04 pm local time (GMT+3) on Dec 23, citing refueling needs.

"We have determined that a suspicious Israeli jet entered the apron where the Libyan jet was parked and remained there for 1 hour and 41 minutes before departing for Tel Aviv," Yavuzyılmaz stated. He noted that the Libyan crew was at a hotel during this period.

The CHP deputy criticized the government for allowing aircraft from two hostile nations to be parked together.

"Is it not against international flight rules to park the planes of two enemy countries on the same apron? What was an Israeli jet, with unknown passengers and equipment, doing on the same apron as the jet of the Libyan Chief of General Staff?" he wrote.

Turkish military cargo plane crashes near Georgia-Azerbaijan border

11 November 2025

The Israeli aircraft departed at 6.45 pm local time according to documents cited by Yavuzyılmaz. The Libyan crew returned to their plane at around 7.30 pm and did not encounter the Israeli delegation. The Libyan jet took off at 8.17 pm and radio contact was lost 15 minutes later at 8.32 pm.

There were no survivors from the crash, which occurred within the provincial borders of Ankara.

Yavuzyılmaz called on the Presidency, the Interior Ministry, and the Transport and Infrastructure Ministry to issue a statement regarding these allegations. (Mİ/VK)

The investigation is based on allegations that Özgür disclosed a "confidential report containing state intelligence information" in a news article published in 2022.

In the article titled "Million-dollar exports from Mersin to ISIS" (Mersin'den IŞİD'e milyon dolarlık ihracat) published in the daily BirGün, Özgür reported that drone parts brought from China were sold to individuals responsible for ISIS drone attacks through foreign trade companies established in Mersin.

The report stated that the founders of these companies obtained Turkish citizenship and were linked to high-ranking ISIS militants in Syria who were later killed in US air strikes.

A report by MASAK and intelligence units, which detailed ISIS-linked names and activities in Turkey, served as the basis for the article. The document included names and activities in Turkey involved in this illegal trade.

The report was submitted to the court upon request as part of the 2015 Ankara bombings trial, after defense lawyers requested information regarding the ISIS members involved in the massacre. The report was included in the case file. The twin suicide bombing was the deadliest carried out by ISIS in Turkey, claiming more than 100 lives and injuring hundreds of others.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

Bahadır Özgür gave a statement at the İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor Office Terrorism Crimes Investigation Bureau on Apr 9.

He stated that the information in question was submitted to a public court and that there was no confidentiality order on the file.

Özgür noted that he did not include any information that could be considered a "state secret" in his report, emphasizing that the report itself mentioned that state institutions had also imposed sanctions on the ISIS-linked individuals featured in the news. (HA/VK)

Adiman, who was held in Mersin, Konya, Gaziantep, and Şakran prisons, described the 30-year period as an "area of knowledge and experience."

Adiman told Mezopotamya Agency (MA) that he could not read or write a single letter when he entered prison. He authored 11 books through studies conducted in his mother tongue.

"At the beginning, I could not even write my name, but now I have taken responsibility for the Kurdish language. For me, every Kurdish paragraph is resistance," Adiman said. "An honorable peace is possible through language, history, and a free life."

Adiman published works titled "Xeyalên Rîsandî," "Kervana Hesretê," "Rêwiyê Evînê," and "Awzemka Xemên Min."

Some of his books were banned on allegations of "terrorist propaganda." (AB/VK)

Bayburt says she spends her days in prison “following the news, reading, and writing.” At the same time, she draws attention to serious rights violations she has witnessed inside: “Every day, I observe the difficulties prisoners face with different illnesses... There are people who are not released even though they have completed their sentences.”

According to Bayburt, journalism requires continuing to bear witness no matter the circumstances: “A journalist’s duty is to bear witness under all conditions and to convey that testimony to millions.”

Continuing journalism in prison

How does daily life unfold in prison? How do you spend your days, and what are you reading?

In fact, friends of ours who had been imprisoned before always used to say, “Prison has its own agenda,” but I never really believed it. Now I see that it really does. Here, organizing daily life, from cleaning supplies bought at the prison canteen to meal times, water, or even the hatch opened for that reason, occupies an important place. If I were to describe the daily routine in detail, hour by hour, but in general the day passes with these things, along with following the news, reading, and writing.

What am I reading? With the many recent developments and debates surrounding the third imperialist war of division, I had already thought that it might be useful to look back again at earlier imperialist wars of division and to read theoretically about imperialism as well. I had begun reading in that direction outside, and I am continuing it here. More specifically, I am reading about the Weimar Republic after the 1918 German Revolution and, ultimately, Hitler’s fascism, where revolutionaries stood in that historical process, what they did, and also about the October Revolution that took place in the same period and the early years of the USSR. I think this is also important for understanding the present day.

For journalists in Turkey, fighting court cases is becoming part of the job

1 April 2026

What is it like to practice journalism under these conditions? How does imprisonment affect the picture?

We live in a geography where there is no press freedom. For that reason, we face accusations over what we write and the reports we produce. Our social media accounts are shut down, our news sites are blocked, newspapers are confiscated, and reports are censored. We are subjected to police violence while covering protests. We are detained, and even arrested. And throughout this process, we try to remain in solidarity with our colleagues.

Under these conditions, life becomes extremely difficult in prison for journalists who do not submit to those in power. They face pressure. I can say that, under all this pressure, the possibility of being arrested never really leaves our minds.

Of course, being confined to a narrow space, cut off from life as it moves in the streets, and especially being unable to be present at the most intense moments of the struggle of women, young people, workers, and laborers is very difficult. In this process, we are also trying to continue our profession from inside.

I was detained while covering March 8. The March 21 Newroz period has already passed. May 1 is approaching. We write articles, we continue our reporting. A journalist’s duty is to bear witness under all conditions and to convey that testimony to millions.

After I was arrested, I thought this: at this moment in history, I will bear witness from Bakırköy Women’s Closed Prison. But that has its limits. Because of the court process and censorship over the press, doing journalism becomes more difficult. Over the course of the week, I follow television channels.

Turkey's media landscape: multiplicity without pluralism

26 March 2026

People not freed despite completing sentences

What would you like to say about the condition of sick prisoners you have witnessed in prison?

I am observing Elif Vural, a sick prisoner of 32 years, with whom I stayed in this same prison in 2009. Every day, I observe the difficulties prisoners face because of different illnesses. If I were outside, I would be reporting on how these patients are not being treated. Even though Elif completed her 30-year sentence, she was not released.

I saw it with my own eyes, the doctor, the guard, the prison director...

I witnessed prisoners in the prison suffering from illnesses at various levels of severity. At Bakırköy Prison, for example, there is an 86-year-old sick prisoner.

For example, Fatma Saygılı had just undergone surgery when she was detained. After being discharged from the hospital, she was detained again.

For example, Songül Aktaş has undergone 23 operations and 3 angioplasties. She has serious heart and bone conditions. Even though a doctor said an urgent decision was necessary, she was not released.

These are just examples, and I witnessed all of them. And I saw that not one of them was treated. I witnessed how prisoners who had completed their sentences were still not released.

I continue writing about the situation I have witnessed and am trying to convey to the public as a journalist. Final words: As we talked about before, as women stay in prison, life passes by quickly. It becomes difficult for your voice to spread. One phone call per week, letters are more limited. Because we are numerous in prisons, it’s more difficult to be visible here.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

How do you assess the prison as a living space and experience? How does being a woman change this experience?

Prison is actually a very interesting space. It provides numerous opportunities to observe and draw conclusions about both yourself and your life outside. Living within the confines of a certain space and with limited resources, those trying to rebuild life, develop themselves, and produce, can see it as a space of expression. I try to perceive life here in this way.

Being a woman within the context of prison reality can be defined as a place where some of the basic anxieties are alleviated. Here, you are not only restricted to living in a particular space, but it also involves a serious break from the reality outside.

However, here, the clothes you wear, the slippers you put on, the soap you get, and the food you order all emphasize that, outside of the conditions you are imprisoned in, there is no space for life. Women work to maintain life in prison. Many tasks are carried out by women, and they receive very modest wages. In fact, the invisible labor, the invisible female labor, is the most noticeable dimension in prison.

How accessible is the flow of news and information inside? How does solidarity from outside reach you?

Inside the prison, despite not having access to the internet, we do have access to a very limited number of newspapers/news channels. We try our best by reading daily newspapers and books. We’ve also made an effort to write about this process and send it to you. Apart from that, we’ve tried to make efforts towards writing about social media.

Throughout March, we received many cards from our colleagues and from our friends in women’s organizations. We also received many updates about the solidarity shown to us from outside. This made us very happy. Of course, continuous solidarity is essential. Everyone needs to see solidarity with us, not just as something done for us, but as part of a broader social liberation. Therefore, I want to thank once again everyone who has helped grow this solidarity with us.

How do you assess press freedom in today’s climate? What would you like to say to the outside world?

In today’s climate, it is difficult to talk about press freedom. What we are going through is just a part of a broader attack. Every day, we are confronted with new bans and operations. We are going through a process in which the government deepens its policies of war and censorship, trying to legitimize its political agenda with propaganda tools and suppress the public’s reaction. In this process, journalists, as well as everyone who seeks the truth, are targeted. Given the increase in detentions, arrests, and practices, we need to stand together in the face of these attacks.

For me, the most challenging part of imprisonment is not the physical conditions of the prison, but the state of being cut off from communication. Therefore, trying to connect the inside with the outside is probably one of the most meaningful steps we can take.

As political prisoners, journalists, unionists, representatives of political parties and women’s organizations, and socialist women fighting in the struggle, we are not alone despite being imprisoned. What we trust is the fact that the struggle continues outside. That’s why we thank everyone who is part of strikes, workers' resistance, marches against femicides, youth actions, and movements where the people shout their demands. Seeing the growth of the struggle gives us strength.

We believe our colleagues will also be the voice of this struggle and work tirelessly for it. Not only do we miss being among you, but we also try to be the voice of political prisoners here, putting effort into maintaining our strong connection with you.

'The struggle for a free future continues'

How have you observed the solidarity of press and professional organizations after your arrest? What areas do you see as lacking in this regard?

On the day of our arrest, we learned about the press statement held in front of the courthouse with the participation of press organizations and our journalist friends through our comrades. Later, there was also a press conference, but it didn’t get coverage. We think the reason for this is the censorship environment. Our social media accounts were blocked during our detention. Still, general news is being produced. Many solidarity reports are made, but they often fall short. For example, actions held by the women’s councils of the DEM Party and HDK in front of the prison were reported as weekend news. News outlets like Sendika.org, BirGün, Evrensel, and Yeni Yaşam have reported. Some of our colleagues have also mentioned the social media posts made at times. However, there isn’t much of a flow of information regarding what is happening outside. Therefore, we can't fully gauge the extent of solidarity.

After March 8, we received cards and letters from our colleagues at MA, Jinnews, TGS, and some unionized colleagues. MA and TGS lawyers visited us. However, most of the communication could not be established directly due to transportation issues. I believe this is an important problem. From time to time, our detention is brought up on Halk TV. The letter I sent to Halk TV was read. The solidarity of the working class is stronger, but it is not reflected enough to us. These news could be made and accessible. BirGün newspaper has played a crucial role in this. Living with the visibility of numerous prisons outside is not easy. The number of detained journalists is not negligible, and I hope information about what’s happening outside will be sent to us.

How should the fight for press freedom be carried out for detained journalists? What kind of collective struggle is needed?

The struggle for press freedom occupies a critical place. When journalists are outside, the news we produce represents the truth; within prison conditions, it becomes the struggle for solidarity with the truth inside, and for amplifying that voice.

Journalists detained from Kurdish media and socialist revolutionary press are not being sufficiently covered in the media. This is actually an important issue. Because this isn’t just the struggle to free individual journalists, but part of the broader struggle for press freedom. Unfortunately, this is a situation we encounter often. We need to put an end to this first and foremost.

The relationship between press organizations and detained journalists is also not at the level it should be. Many journalist friends are fighting for our release. Their efforts are very valuable, and I thank them all. However, in order to achieve results, this struggle needs to be organized. The efforts of individual people will not bring about the result we want.

What needs to be done during this period when journalists are detained is clear. A struggle should be initiated under the leadership of journalist friends, press organizations (unions, associations, platforms), and human rights organizations. This will include the participation of working classes, workers, women, youth, environmental defenders, Alevis, and the Kurdish people, as part of defending the right to access news. The struggle for free futures will continue both inside and outside. There is something everyone can do. Through you, I want to send my love to all the journalist friends involved in this struggle.

*On Feb 3, during an operation targeting the Socialist Party of the Oppressed (ESP) in 22 cities centered around İstanbul, Gayıp was arrested on February 5 and has been in prison for nearly two months. Journalists Nadiye Gürbüz, Elif Bayburt, and Müslüm Koyun, employees of ETHA, were also arrested within the same investigation. (EMK/VK)

At the Pride March held at METU in May 2019, Yozgatlıgil, who was then the rector’s advisor, positioned himself alongside the police and took photographs of the students participating in the march during the action. After police entered the campus and 23 students were detained under torture, he was appointed vice rector a month later.

Since the very first day of Yozgatlıgil’s appointment to the METU rectorate, we, for our part, have repeatedly exposed what he has represented from past to present and the “student-friendly” image he tried to draw in his early period. From the day he was appointed, his role in the destruction of the area during the Kavaklık Resistance process was already plainly evident, as he was also the rector’s advisor then, and there are many videos and statements of his in this regard. Unlike Verşan Kök, Yozgatlıgil’s ties to the government are also more direct and explicit.

Therefore, the stance Yozgatlıgil has tried to construct since the day he took office, “I am not against the students, I am correcting the negative image created by the previous rector,” is part of a genetic strategy the government has pursued for years. It is, of course, no coincidence that a government that once said about LGBTI+s, “The rights and freedoms of homosexuals must be placed under legal protection,” has today evolved into rhetoric of “terror” and “perversion.” From the very beginning, we said that the nephew of Taner Yıldız, who has had a share in ecological destruction in Turkey, was not an “innocent” figure, and that he himself came from that same school.

Yet despite this, even some of our very valuable professors interpreted Yozgatlıgil’s “docile” image as the possibility of a democratic compromise in the new period. When it was said, “Yozgatlıgil cannot become rector of METU!” arguments such as “But there was no attack on the Pride March, disciplinary investigations have decreased,” were put forward. This was exactly the perception that was intended to be created: “The students are exaggerating.” Yet the government mentality reveals itself the moment it is cornered. Yozgatlıgil, who was criticized for hostility toward Palestine and who posed for photos with SOCAR, which carries oil to Israel, and made agreements with it, is able to wag his finger at and threaten students who expose this situation.

Without further ado, let us ask: Is Yozgatlıgil student-friendly? No.

'LGBTI+ connotation'

When it comes to censorship, one of the most typical examples that comes to mind specifically at METU is the closure of the Media Society in December 2018. This decision, taken because they reported on protests, is a clear example of censorship. During Kök’s term, the banning of Pride Marches, students being subjected to police violence, and interventions targeting the activities of METU LGBTIQAA+ Solidarity were etched into memory as characteristic practices of trustee rule.

Today, what we call the genetics of “trustees and LGBTI+phobic censorship” first emerged not with the trustees appointed to universities, but with the trustees appointed to Kurdish municipalities. With the detention of elected co-mayors and the appointment of trustees in their place, the understanding of democratic local governance was liquidated and replaced with a centralized, despotic form of rule. During this process, LGBTI+phobic censorship practices were also observed. For example, the trustee appointed to Batman (Êlîh) Municipality painted over the rainbow colors at the entrance of Yılmaz Güney Park in white on the grounds that they had an “LGBTI+ connotation.” Similarly, in Çatak (Şax) Municipality, the rainbow colors on the bridge railings were changed to red and white on the grounds that they were “not considered aesthetic.”

The reason I mention these examples in particular is that the same “trustee genetics” has also manifested itself at METU. During the Gezi Resistance, the stairs stretching from METU Devrim Stadium to Dormitory 1 had been painted in rainbow colors. After students were detained during the Boğaziçi process for carrying the rainbow and trans flags, these stairs were painted again. Verşan Kök, METU’s trustee at the time, had these stairs painted gray and white, and we restored them to rainbow colors once again. This process of painting over, or “erasing,” was repeated many times, and in the end the stairs were painted red and white. This picture clearly shows the continuity of the trustee practice extending from Kurdish municipalities to universities.

Yozgatlıgil, who stood out as the AKP wing of trustee rule during Verşan Kök’s term, established a strategic “friendly” image toward students after being appointed rector. But this approach, too, is familiar: a language of closeness built through remarks such as “I also have photos from Gezi” and “I bought drying machines for the dormitories”... We all know what happened afterward. Yozgatlıgil tried to offset the disadvantage created by all his past practices and his relationship with the government through such an image, but this approach has no value in our eyes.

70th Year Art Festival

These days, the 70th Year Art Festival is being held at METU. While many exhibitions and events are taking place as part of the festival, the statement by Girls to The Front came to the agenda. The collective, which had planned to take part in the festival both as the festival photographer and with the exhibition “This is What Loud Looks Like,” announced that they were withdrawing from the festival because they were asked to remove the word lubunya (queer) from the exhibition text and because of interventions aimed at preventing the inclusion of the LGBTI+ flag in the exhibition.

The “trustee genetics” we have been talking about has begun to manifest itself under the Yozgatlıgil administration through this practice as well, and clearly it will not remain limited to this. When people were told to “speak out” during the initial appointment process, everyone who said, “Let us not damage relations,” now needs to engage in self-criticism and speak out. Because LGBTI+phobia, censorship, and similar practices are not individual preferences, but the product of an ideological mechanism.

Yesterday (Apr 3), students, led by METU LGBTIQAA+ Solidarity, raised the rainbow flag that was sought to be banned, erased, and ignored at the Culture and Convention Center. This action was not an ordinary protest, but a powerful expression of collective will. Against trustee rule and the atmosphere created by this mentality, we will continue to resist through our existence and our resistance.

Where in this picture will you stand? That is the real question, and its answer needs to lie in solidarity.

As a lubunya from METU and an amateur photographer, I thank Girls to The Front for not bowing to this censorship and for standing by us. We are one of you, and we are with you, sis! (TG/TY/VK)

The Pursuit of Happiness has led to considerable pain, the counter culture of 1960s and 70s saw this. When the mesmerising Jim Morrisson of The Doors sang no one here gets out alive (Five to One), he meant the country. 

Trump is not the cause, but a symptom of the delusion of grandeur. You can’t always be the best at everything but the dream is you have to be. A CNN presenter beamed today, “We have the best army and best secret service (CIA) in the world.” It was sickening to watch. We Brits when asked about ourselves would say we’re ok, bit of good and bad, most nations would reply the same.

As the war faulters, Trump, as a symptom of a crumbling nation, shouts profanities at Iran who shockingly will not bow down to their superiority.

The veil is lifting, China is becoming the main superpower with Russia expanding and surging. Trump is the final cog and he has hit the self-destruct button.

There are people trying to save it, Springsteen, Stipe (R.E.M.) and a few good comedians actors & TV hosts (John Oliver, Jon Stewart & Kimmel). 

But the foundation of the whole country was built on sand, it is surprising that it has taken so long for the people to sink in the quicksand. The Pursuit of Happiness became of money. In the 1900s Rockefeller et al took over and the rich and powerful have led ever since, from Howard Hughes through to Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos today. You too can make it and if you don’t, it’s your fault because we are all created equal with the same life chance. This is clearly laughable, especially now as the pillars of democracy fall down like a pack of cards. 

For the next few years, I would like America to shut up, stop invading -bombing- nations, and not dismantle the world order. They should become Sweden, make great music, books and films, then proudly shout “Let’s Make America Not Bad Again.”

Jim Morrisson was a prophet-like singer and person, not even he could have envisaged one of his most famous lyrics, sang so passionately here would encapsulate this current administration so perfectly and maybe the USA, permanently NOW.

(DM/VK)

He places satire, irony, and social criticism at the center of his music. As a storyteller who stands with those who do not accept injustice, he deals with heavy themes in his songs such as the absurdity of everyday life, state repression, patriarchal violence, social memory, and solidarity. Sometimes he expresses these themes in a sharp way, sometimes as a deep lament, and often with a sarcastic tone. 

With Grammenos, who builds a line of solidarity stretching from the streets of Athens to Palestine, we talked about how music can work as an act of resistance and memory, the absurd panic that censorship creates on the side of those in power, and the voice of the street.

A body and a story

Dark humor and irony occupy a very strong place in your songs; how would you describe the role this language plays in conveying your political critique to listeners?

Dark humor and irony are ways to tell harsh truths without becoming a preacher. They create a distance that at the same time illuminates, letting the listener laugh and reflect together. With irony you expose hypocrisies, with black humor you make the poison more drinkable so it can enter the bloodstream of the conversation. They also protect the creator: a form of resistance and survival against the weight of reality. They don't aim to teach, but to wake people up, move them, and bring them toward a shared awareness — with a laugh that burns.

You are often described as a musician who stands against the system, and your songs frequently deal with the state, the media, repression, and the violence and inequalities produced by the system. How would you define your own musical and political position most accurately?

I consider myself part of the side that won’t compromise with injustice — not as a professional rhetorician but as someone who speaks through his music and lyrics. My music is critical, solidaristic and human-centered: it targets power structures, exposes violence and the media’s rhetoric, and defends those who suffer. I’m not an ideologue preaching solutions, I’m an observer and storyteller who calls for collective awareness and action through imagery, irony and feeling.

With songs like “Ψυχή” (Psihi) and “Το όνομά μου είναι το δικό σου” (To Onoma Mou Einai To Diko Sou), you also keep alive the memory of people like Zak Kostopoulos and Vassilis Maggos; what makes these kinds of songs important to you?

I sing so memory won’t fade. These songs are testimony — humanizing people the system tried to erase as numbers or headlines. They give name, body and story to those who fell victim to state or police violence and injustice, demand accountability, and keep the public conversation alive. They are an act of solidarity with the families and a warning that silence and forgetting favor impunity. Art here functions as memory, voice and motivation so these lives won't become mere statistics.

Sharing the burden

You mentioned that art functions as memory. “Καμία Μόνη” (Kamia Moni), a song you wrote against femicides, also emerged in the shadow of consecutive murders. You previously stated that you wanted to “share the weight” of performing this song with Nefeli Fasouli. How exactly do you establish your own place in such a song of rebellion?

My stance in a song like this is simple and clear: I stand as an ally and a besieger of oblivion. I don’t try to represent others’ experiences. I hold them with respect. The “shared weight” means sharing the responsibility of the voice: it should not be just a man speaking about women, but a common voice with women artists, allowing authenticity and intensity. With Nefeli Fasouli we sought to combine immediacy and sensitivity, to give space to rage and to preserve the dignity of the victims. I favor collaboration and collective authorship, so the performance becomes a shared act rather than a personal display.

When you performed “Κουκουλοφόρος” (Koukouloforos) on the state broadcaster ERT, the crew's panic and the incident being taken to parliament revealed the absurd panic of the authorities towards a song. What does that moment on stage tell you about the current climate of art and freedom of expression in Greece?

This moment made clear how fragile and uneasy power becomes when art holds up a mirror to it, and how afraid the government is of losing its far-right constituency. The panic wasn’t so much about the song itself as about the fear of being seen and challenged. It shows that freedom of expression still provokes defensive reactions, theatrical excesses and parliamentary posturing that reveal insecurity, not strength. At the same time, the incident proves the power of art: a simple performance can unsettle complacency and force a conversation. So the climate is tense—prone to moral panic—but also fertile: when the authorities try to silence or dramatize, art gains visibility and the public debate widens. What made me laugh was that the song’s lyrics will remain forever written in the parliament’s records.

Greece’s well known humor and political satire channel Luben TV summarized what happened that day on ERT, the attempts by ruling party MPs from New Democracy to impose a blockade on the channel, and the absurd panic in parliament through this montage.

With your song “Το Καραβάνι Για Τη Γάζα” (To karavani gia ti Gaza), you move beyond Greece’s internal political climate and express open solidarity with Palestine. What does it mean to write a song in Greece that stands with Palestine and the Palestinian struggle? For instance, have you faced any pressure because of it?

Writing a song that supports Palestine in Greece means refusing the comfort of silence. It’s an act of solidarity that links local injustices to global ones, a reminder that violence, occupation and displacement are not distant abstractions but human realities that demand a response. For me it’s about naming, listening and aligning with people under siege, using music to build empathy and keep the issue in the public sphere.

Yes, adopting that stance provokes reactions. Criticism from nationalist or pro-establishment corners, occasional attempts to delegitimize the message, and awkwardness in some media or institutional spaces. But direct pressure has been limited compared with the symbolic cost of being accused of taking sides. Still, if the outcome is debate and visibility for suffering, I consider it part of everyone’s responsibility to risk discomfort rather than contribute to erasure.

Are artists like you, who take a clear political stance and risk marginalization, alone in the Greek music scene today? In the face of state pressure and the general political atmosphere, how is the relationship among independent musicians? Can we speak of a concrete solidarity, of musicians standing shoulder to shoulder, similar to the old rebetiko or entehno eras?

Between us, we are not alone. When needed, part of the community will certainly unite. In many cases of censorship or injustice, there will be widespread reactions from the broader artistic world. Often we will respond en masse even when the injustice is directed at someone who has not expressed a political stance or taken a position. Injustice carries no political sign.

On stage, you create a space that is distinctly your own, not only through your songs but also through the direct, almost conversational relationship you build with the audience. What is it that truly makes a concert feel alive for you?

The living element for me is reciprocity: when the stage and the audience speak on the same frequency. When the lyrics and the music meet the attention, the breath and the reactions of the people, the applause, the singing together, the silence that fills with meaning. Authenticity matters, not playing a role but being present. Also the unpredictable moment, a look, a remark, a performance that changes and turns the show into a shared experience rather than a lecture. All the beauty lies in becoming one. Breaking the distance between us.

Between the uncompromising anger of “Η λίστα” (I lista) and the deep sorrow of “Με Λόγια Ξένα” (Me logia xena), which feeling accompanies you most strongly in the streets of Athens today?

Walking in Athens, I carry many feelings. Above all I look for joy among people and for love. I also carry sorrow, because sorrow keeps memory alive. I carry the gaze of young people who come ready to build a better world, even if they’re often portrayed as little people glued to their screens on social media. Anger is necessary; it is the fuel that keeps the struggle for justice going.

I am also curious about what you have been listening to lately. Would you share with us a short list of 8 to 10 songs that have been making you feel good or helping you listen to the world again these days?

Each week I share a short playlist of songs that keep me company via thepressproject.gr. Here’s the latest. Τake a little walk through sound with me:

(DS/VC/VK)

Johnson went down in history as a Black trans woman, drag queen, and LGBTI+ rights activist born in 1945. Johnson, who fought in New York in the 1960s and 1970s to increase the visibility of the LGBTI+ community and defend the rights of “the marginalized,” was on the front lines during the Stonewall Uprising and, together with Sylvia Rivera, founded the Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (STAR), providing shelter and social support to homeless trans people and sex workers.

Johnson’s words remind us of the importance of defending rights that are being narrowed day by day, and reopen debate over whose rights can be defended, to what extent, and with what priority.

In March, LGBTI+s in Turkey were subjected to discrimination in two different areas in particular, and efforts were made to erase their visibility.

The first of these took place during the İstanbul Newroz held in Yenikapı on Mar 22 under the slogan “Newroz of Freedom and Democracy / Newroza Azadî û Yekîtiya Demokratîk.” LGBTI+s who entered the Newroz grounds together with feminists faced at least five attempted attacks by different groups. Although security at the site was largely provided by officials from the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, the density of the crowd and its at times heterogeneous political composition made the area relatively unsafe for LGBTI+s. Before entering the Newroz grounds, feminists and LGBTI+s were accompanied by DEM Party officials and DEM Party İstanbul MP Özgül Saki, and the protective line that was formed remained in place throughout the day.

About 10 days after Newroz, DEM Party Co-Chair Tülay Hatimoğulları, while expressing gratitude during her party’s parliamentary group meeting to those who attended Newroz, also mentioned LGBTI+s and called on them as well on the occasion of May 1 Labor Day. It was extremely important that the attempted attacks were acknowledged, that LGBTI+s were explicitly named, and that this visibility was ensured through Hatimoğulları.

'Where are you my love?'

The second case of “erasure” in March took place at the Mar 23 press conference for the 45th İstanbul Film Festival, organized by the İstanbul Foundation for Culture and Arts (İKSV), at The Marmara Taksim. In addition to the festival’s three competitive sections, the Golden Tulip Competition, New Perspectives, and the Short Film Competition, six thematic selections that will meet audiences between Apr 9 and 19 were announced. However, the “Where Are You My Love?” section devoted to queer films was once again not included in the program this year, following the censorship debates in 2025.

In a statement posted on Instagram last year, the festival said: “The fact that the ‘Where Are You My Love?’ section, which holds special meaning for many of our viewers, could not be seen at the festival this year was regarded as a lack of representation and a step backward. We sincerely care about this feeling and the reactions we received, and we plan to include this section in the program again next year.” However, this promise was not kept, and the repeated “lack of representation” and “step backward” this year were regarded by the LGBTI+ community and culture and arts workers as censorship. The 24th İstanbul LGBTI+ Pride Week Committee responded to the festival’s stance with a boycott call.

Furkan Yurt, curator of Pembe Hayat KuirFest, Turkey’s only queer film festival, described the removal of the section as an example of institutional censorship and self-censorship. According to Yurt, this stance is not limited only to the removal of a film selection from the program, it is also part of a cultural climate in which censorship is internalized and reproduced by institutions.

The İstanbul LGBTI+ Pride Week Committee’s statement on the matter emphasized the following: “‘Where Are You My Love?’ is absent once again. This is not a coincidence, it is outright censorship. This section of the İstanbul Film Festival, which has opened space for queer cinema for years, has once again been removed from the program. The promise made last year that it would be brought back into the program was also not fulfilled. This situation is not only a matter of a film selection, it is a manifestation of the systematic exclusion of LGBTI+s from cultural production and of the reflection of the political agenda on our lives. Queer art cannot be silenced, and we will not bow to censorship. We call on the festival management to put an end to its policies of censorship and self-censorship.’”

The road to 'Bakur'

As Yurt also noted, İKSV’s choice can be read primarily as an institutional strategy aimed at eliminating political risks, but the fact that this strategy began with one of the most vulnerable communities in the country, and one of those under the most intense attack, shows that the issue cannot be explained solely through “risk management” and instead points to a practice of selective invisibilization. Although the institution appears to rely on technical or organizational grounds, it is essentially displaying a reflex of retreat that avoids public criticism.

This practice shows that censorship now functions not only as an external intervention, but also as a mechanism that has seeped into institutional reasoning, been internalized, and thus reproduces itself. What is taking place here, therefore, is not so much an explicit ban as a more subtle practice of drawing boundaries that determines which narratives can enter circulation. After all, what determines the regime of visibility is often precisely these kinds of states of “absence.”

It is also possible to say that the İstanbul Film Festival’s practice reflects a historical continuity. Indeed, the removal of the documentary “A Guerrilla Documentary: Bakur” from the program in 2014 had clearly revealed how the visibility of Kurdish identity and its political and social representation was being limited in the cultural sphere. Today, with the “Where Are You My Love?” section being left out of the program, the intersectionality of censorship practices shaped around Kurdish and LGBTI+ representation is becoming more visible. Both examples reveal how the cultural production of different social groups is pushed into the background for the sake of institutional comfort and political sensitivities, or in other words, which lives and stories are seen as “less deserving” of a place in the public sphere. The idea of equality that Johnson pointed to becomes important at exactly this point, because Johnson invites us to think of the notion of rights not as a privilege that is distributed, but rather through equal access.

The picture seen through the İstanbul Film Festival, in this framework, should be read not merely as a technical choice regarding a film selection, but as part of a broader struggle over the spaces of cultural production and visibility for LGBTI+s, Kurds, and, more generally, all subjects who are “being pushed to the margins.” Every festival decision inevitably points to a moment of choice between social norms and institutional comfort. Every censored production, every selection removed from the program, is not only an absence, but also carries the trace of a social story that has been suppressed, postponed, or rendered invisible. The intersection of Kurdish and LGBTI+ representation in a pejorative sense, meanwhile, marks critical moments showing how freedom of expression in Turkey is being eroded not only at the legal level, but also at the cultural and institutional levels.

And perhaps the real question emerges precisely here: while narratives seen as “risky” today are being left out in this way, who can guarantee that other stories will not meet the same fate tomorrow? Is it possible to say that films about women, workers, or any form of resistance that the government does not deem acceptable will not also be excluded from the program on similar grounds? (TY/VK)

Since Oct 2022, when the article known publicly as the disinformation law was enacted, 83 journalists have faced investigations, been detained, arrested, or tried under this allegation.

According to a report by data journalism outlet Veriler Ne Diyor, these 83 journalists were accused of publicly spreading misleading information 114 times over the past three and a half years.

Within the scope of this allegation, 54 investigations were launched and 39 lawsuits were filed against journalists. Detentions were carried out 11 times, while 10 arrests were made based on this charge.

'Journalists have been targeted with the Disinformation Law'

20 December 2023

A convenient punishment: Judicial control

Of the 54 investigations launched, 41 resulted in decisions of non-prosecution. While five investigations remain ongoing, judicial control measures in the form of a signature requirement and a ban on traveling abroad were applied to a journalist in one investigation. Information regarding the status of seven investigations could not be obtained.

The situation in the 39 lawsuits:

• • Judicial control sanctions stood out in the 11 detention procedures against journalists:
  • Judicial control in the form of a ban on traveling abroad for 4 journalists,
  • Judicial control in the form of both a signature requirement at the police station and a ban on traveling abroad for 3 journalists,
  • Judicial control in the form of house arrest and a ban on traveling abroad for 1 journalist,
  • Judicial control in the form of reading two books on the limits of press freedom and writing a summary for 1 journalist.
  • 2 journalists were released without sanctions.
  • Half of the 10 arrests resulted in release:

Three journalists sentenced to prison

Since the disinformation law came into effect, three journalists have been sentenced to prison on charges of publicly spreading misleading information.

Although it was later overturned on appeal, the first of these sentences was given to journalist Sinan Aygül in Feb 2023.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

In a post on Dec 13, 2022, Aygül wrote that a child had been abused by a police officer and a specialized sergeant in Tatvan, Bitlis. Aygül, who was arrested following this, was released on Dec 22, 2022, but was sentenced to 10 months in prison on Feb 28, 2023.

His appeal to the Van Regional Court of Justice was rejected on May 26, 2023, after which Aygül took the case to the Court of Cassation. The 8th Penal Chamber of the Court of Cassation unanimously overturned the appellate court's verdict. Aygül was acquitted in the subsequent retrial.

The second journalist sentenced to prison under this charge was Yüsra Batıhan from the Mezopotamya Agency (MA).

Türkiye's new 'disinformation law' explained

14 October 2022

Reporting on the Feb 6 earthquake from debris sites, Batıhan made two posts on her X account alleging that AFAD was obstructing the press and seizing aid. Batıhan was sentenced to 10 months in prison in the lawsuit filed over these posts.

The third journalist is Sedef Kabaş. Kabaş was sentenced to 10 months in prison on Nov 4, 2025, for a post on Feb 8, 2024, stating: "Central Bank Governor Fatih Karahan: ‘We can expect a 150-200% hike in electricity and natural gas after the election.’ Now that you’ve given the authority, you see the impact..."

Journalist Feyza Nur Çalıkoğlu faces 'disinformation' case over report on alleged abuse at deportation centers

23 September 2025

Accused journalists by year

Two of the three most accused journalists are currently in prison

Some journalists have been targeted by this allegation multiple times. İsmail Arı from BirGün newspaper had been accused of publicly spreading misleading information five times in total, including four investigations and one lawsuit, until the evening of Mar 21.

Arı, whose investigations resulted in non-prosecution and whose lawsuit ended in acquittal, faced this allegation for a sixth time on the evening of Mar 21. Arı, the journalist most frequently targeted by the charge of publicly spreading misleading information, was arrested on Mar 22.

Arı was followed by Kayhan Ayhan from BirGün newspaper and Alican Uludağ from Deutsche Welle (DW) Turkish, each with four investigations. Three of Ayhan's investigations resulted in non-prosecution, while one is ongoing. Two investigations and two lawsuits remain ongoing against Uludağ, who is currently arrested on the charge of publicly insulting the president.

Journalists face disinformation probe after gold smuggling allegations against MPs

22 November 2024

Oktay Candemir, Ruşen Takva, and Timur Soykan were targeted three times; while Aslıhan Gençay, Barış Pehlivan, Dinçer Gökçe, Evren Demirdaş, Fatih Altaylı, Furkan Karabay, Fırat Bulut, Gökhan Özbek, Medine Mamedoğlu, Mehmet Yetim, Sebahattin Yum, Seyhan Avşar, Zübeyde Sarı, and İsmail Saymaz were targeted twice.

Other names who faced investigations, trials, detentions, or arrests under this charge include Ahmet Sesli, Evrim Kepenek, Gökhan Özbek, Hasan Sivri, İlknur Bilir, Medine Mamedoğlu, Mehmet Yetim, Mir Ali Koçer, Ercan Küçük, Bilal Özcan, and Latif Sansür. (HA/VK)

On Feb 3, authorities detained many journalists, activists, politicians, and ecologists in raids against the ESP, the Science, Aesthetics, Culture and Art Research Foundation (BEKSAV), Polen Ecology, and various socialist institutions. Authorities accuse the ESP, a political party that holds one seat in the parliament, of being the political wing of the outlawed Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLKP).

Right to defense

Serhat Çakmak, co-chair of the Association of Lawyers for Freedom (ÖHD), said the right to a defense has been "severely violated."

Lawyers cannot access the case file and were prevented from meeting effectively with clients during the prosecution process, according to Çakmak.

"The investigation is not legal, but directly constitutes a political intervention," he said, adding that individuals are being prosecuted repeatedly for the same acts.

Yağmur Kavak from the Contemporary Lawyers Association (ÇHD) stated that press releases, protests, women's rights activities, commemorations, and social media posts were cited as evidence of crimes.

Kavak argued that statements from witnesses seeking "effective repentance" were used to turn democratic activities into tools of intimidation.

'Political attack'

Representing Lawyers for Democracy, Leyla Han Tüzel described the operation as a "total political attack." Tüzel noted that no progress has been made in the case for two months and an indictment has yet to be prepared. She called on prosecutors to act according to the law and release the detainees.

Human Rights Association (İHD) executive Eren Keskin highlighted the treatment of women in custody, alleging privacy violations during searches and bathroom use. Keskin shared an account from a detainee named Pınar, stating that officers attempted to enter the toilet with her and watch her change clothes.

"Police even tried to enter the toilet with Pınar. Can you imagine this? How can you explain this with any law?" Keskin said. "She refused to allow it. They tried to be present while she dressed and undressed. When she insisted on leaving in her pajamas, they were forced to turn their backs so she could dress. Which law can justify this?"

Participants at the meeting demanded the removal of confidentiality orders on the case file and the immediate release of all detainees, asserting that the arrests target political participation rather than concrete criminal acts. (EMK/EB/VK)

The İstanbul 41st Heavy Penal Court delivered the verdict for officers Hakan Aydın, Muhammet Olgun, Onur Ülker, and Yunus Başar. The group included a former chief inspector who has since been dismissed.

The court found the defendants guilty of destroying, damaging, or hiding official documents under Article 205 of the Turkish Penal Code.

The defendants were previously sentenced to six years, five months, and 15 days in 2023. However, the 18th Penal Chamber of the İstanbul Regional Court of Justice overturned those convictions. The appeals court had ruled that the local court failed to apply discretionary sentence reductions for good conduct.

What happened?

Can, a 28-year-old architect, was detained by narcotics police in Harbiye, İstanbul, on Jun 2, 2010, for allegedly purchasing cannabis. While at the Narcotics Branch Directorate, he was subjected to strip searches, torture, and sexual harassment. His medical release report was illegally prepared in the presence of the officers accused of the abuse.

Following his release, officers repeatedly called Can to the station under the pretext of correcting date errors in his statements. He was pressured to become an informant and testify against others. Can committed suicide by jumping from his balcony on Jun 23, 2010, three weeks after his initial detention.

Before his death, Can wrote a detailed account of his experiences at the request of his friends. "I was stripped naked in custody. They told me to lean against the wall," Can wrote. He described being forced to wait in a crouched position while listening to recordings of someone else screaming and begging the police.

"I was slapped and verbally insulted," he stated, adding that he was forced to sign a different statement and pressured to cooperate as an informant.

The legal battle led by Can’s family faced significant obstacles. Prosecutors initially issued a decision of non-prosecution regarding the torture allegations. A subsequent case for forgery resulted in 30-month sentences for two other officers.

The tragedy deeply affected the family. His mother, Hatice Can, died by suicide in 2014 using the same method as her son. His father, Mevlüt Can, died in Oct 2019 at the age of 62 due to internal bleeding. His sister, Ezgi Sevgi Can, remains the sole surviving family member pursuing justice.

Evidence issues hampered the proceedings for years. It was revealed that digital copies of Can’s police statements had been altered or rendered inaccessible. An expert witness, Zafer Kökdemir, admitted to breaking the original hard drive containing the records, citing security reasons.

The current case against the four officers was initiated after an appeals court overturned the İstanbul Governor's Office decision to deny permission for their prosecution. The officers were tried for official document forgery and destruction, while the expert witness faced charges of providing a false expert report. (HA/VK)

Unfortunately for many journalists, especially Kurdish journalists, his situation is hardly unique. In fact, over the last few weeks Kurdish journalists’ X accounts have been targeted in what is the latest in a long line of online censorship campaigns against them. 

Several X accounts of journalists and news agencies, such as Fırat News Agency and Nupel, have been blocked on X. According to a tweet by the Dicle Fırat Journalists Association (DFG), at least four Kurdish journalists' X accounts were blocked within a 24-hour period on Monday. The exact number of blocked accounts is unknown. 

Mezopotamya Agency, a Kurdish news wire service, also had its Turkish Bluesky account suspended this past weekend. The agency's website is currently banned in Turkey. According to the Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA) 49 accounts were banned in Turkey between the months of January and March. 

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

“The government doesn't want any dissenting voices outside of its official narrative, outside of what it says, outside of its propaganda … They don’t want any dissenting voices in this propaganda war,”  Takva said. 

Takva believes that the legal system and the weak position of journalists make them an easy target for government suppression, even more so for Kurdish journalists. 

Şevket Uyanık, a communications expert at the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, said that he’s not particularly surprised by the account restrictions given Turkey’s troubling history of censorship. However, the legal mechanisms created by those in power to increase censorship will further erode freedom of expression. 

Role of platforms

He also criticized the complicity of social media platforms in maintaining this online suppression.   

“Of course, social media companies are also part of this game, prioritizing their profits over people’s rights … the internet has become a tool of the ruling powers more than ever before,” Uyanık said.  

“What needs to be discussed here is the fact that social media platforms comply with the state to a degree of up to 90%, and that court rulings are issued at lightning speed without even allowing for a defense," he added. 

Takva’s own experience confirms this. 

“They block our accounts within 24 hours citing a court order, but our appeals process takes months, even years,” he said. “It's been almost 1.5 years since my first account closure, my main account with 70,000 followers.”

Takva’s appeal is still pending in court. 

Takva said that online censorship is especially concerning in the digital age, where many journalists, especially independent ones like himself, rely on social media to reach their audience. 

Social media platforms turn to censorship to protect commercial interests

13 January 2026

He said that this goes beyond mere censorship, but is actually a form of putting economic pressure on journalists. In today’s environment social media is an irreplaceable tool. It’s exactly the same as taking someone’s camera away, he explained.  

Although Kurdish journalists and activists’ social media accounts have long been subject to restrictions, Takva believes the current influx is due to the US and Israel’s war on Iran, which hosts a sizable Kurdish population. Censorship on Kurdish journalists increases whenever there are political situations involving Kurds, he explained. 

Turkey’s Information and Communication Technologies Authority (BTK) also blocked Kurdish X accounts during the Syrian interim government’s military operations on Rojava in January. 

Takva said that although Kurdish journalists are most impacted, these censorship measures affect all those who voice opposition to government policies. 

“Of course, the greatest harm and pressure is inflicted on Kurdish journalists, this has become ingrained in Turkey’s genetic code,” he said. “If something is going to be done, it's first attempted through Kurds or Kurdish politicians — then they spread it throughout the country.” 

The state also blocked social media accounts during the March 2025 protests against the detention of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu. Within four weeks at least 471 X accounts were blocked in Turkey, later including İmamoğlu’s. 

Turkey’s Law No. 5651 allows for this regulation of online content, including removing or blocking certain websites and social media accounts to protect national security. 

The view from Diyarbakır: How Kurdish journalists see Türkiye's disinformation law

1 November 2022

Takva believes those concerned for the state of free media must now show their solidarity. There simply aren't enough people objecting to this issue and many journalists feel alone in this matter.   

“The best solution is solidarity; without it, we are rapidly heading towards a situation where no one is left in the field, only the official narrative of the government is discussed, and there will be no one left to call a journalist, frankly,” he said.  

“The truth for society needs to be defended by all institutions, because it's a collective issue, not an individual matter.” he added. “They’re not targeting us as individuals; they're not targeting me as Ruşen — they're targeting me because I'm a journalist.” (İK/VK)

Doms and Abdals are distinct minority groups living in Syria. Doms are a subgroup of the Roma people and Abdals are a semi-nomadic community historically living in Anatolia.

The study by the Antep-based Kırkayak Kültür association indicates that deep poverty, multiple forms of discrimination, seasonal migration, address registration issues, and school expenses frequently interrupt the right to education.

The report, published in Mar 2025, is based on interviews with 150 caregivers conducted between Mar 2024 and Jan 2025, alongside focus groups involving 21 parents, 8 teachers, and 7 school administrators.

Living conditions and economic insecurity

According to the research, 564 children reside in the 150 households surveyed. Two-thirds of these families live in shantytowns, shacks, or multi-story informal dwellings. Half of the households occupy two-room houses, while 19 percent live in single-room homes. The report notes that children often lack quiet study spaces or access to tablets and computers. Furthermore, 55.1 percent of the 147 women interviewed are illiterate.

Economic instability remains a primary factor in educational access. Among the women surveyed, 67.9 percent stated they married as children. Most families access healthcare through the 'Green Card' system, with only 17 individuals covered by Social Security Institution (SGK) insurance. Additionally, 13 Syrian households reported having no social security coverage at all.

Invisible in data, embedded in workforce: Refugee child workers in Turkey

25 September 2025

High absenteeism rates

One of the most striking findings concerns school attendance. In four primary schools where Kırkayak Kültür conducted pilot work, 36.7 percent of enrolled children do not attend school regularly. The report emphasizes that when parents claim a child 'attends school,' it sometimes refers to attending only one or two days per week.

Reasons for absenteeism and dropouts include peer bullying, negative teacher attitudes, lack of uniforms, and the need for children to care for siblings or work. Other factors include seasonal agricultural migration, health issues, and fears regarding harassment or kidnapping on the way to school.

Intergenerational poverty

The report highlights the impact of intergenerational poverty through parental testimony. One parent stated, "We want our children to reach a good place and have a profession when they grow up. We do not want them to be like us. We did not study; we became housewives and took care of our children. We married at a young age."

Teachers also stressed that the issue extends beyond the classroom. One educator remarked that 'simply sending them to school is not enough,' noting that every child has a background story and a family situation. They argued that the right to education cannot be separated from housing, transportation, and the burden of care.

CORONAVIRUS

‘If Seasonal Agricultural Workers Cannot Find a Job, Child Labor will Increase’

7 May 2020

Pathways to solutions

Address registration systems present a specific barrier for Syrian Dom and Abdal children. Delays in updating addresses often hinder school registration, causing long gaps in education.

The report recommends providing flexibility in registration processes and creating temporary solutions for children lacking address records. It also calls for strengthening support mechanisms for transportation, school supplies, and meals.

The strategic roadmap proposed by Kırkayak Kültür includes enhancing preschool adaptation, organizing parent workshops, and providing inclusive education training for teachers and administrators. It further suggests regular home visits for attendance monitoring and makeup programs for children of seasonal workers. (NÖ/VK)

Teams carried out a raid at the Yenişehir Disrict Municipality in Mersin, reportedly detaining a total of 31 people were. Those taken into custody include deputy mayors, branch managers, and company officials.

The CHP won Yenişehir Municipality with 62% of the vote in the 2024 local elections.

In a separate operation, police raided Bolu Municipality at 2.00 am local time (GMT+3). Deputy Mayor Leyla Beykoz and two other individuals were detained as part of the investigation.

Beykoz was elected acting mayor by the municipal council after the city's elected mayor, Tanju Özcan, was arrested on Mar 2 in a corruption investigation.

The detentions in Bolu are reportedly linked to allegations regarding sacrificial donations managed through the BOLSEV Foundation, which is affiliated with the municipality. The investigation focuses on donations collected within the foundation. Those detained were taken for questioning as part of the ongoing probe.

Since March last year, municipalities run by the CHP have faced a broad crackdown on corruption-related charges.

Thirty-one opposition mayors removed from office since 2024 elections

2 April 2026

(VK)

İstanbul prosecutors, who linitiated an investigation into Ulu after her joke circulated on social media, accuse her of "insulting historical, national, and spiritual values." 

The prosecutor's office also noted "obscene words" were publicly broadcast in the video.

Talk show host, guest jailed after 'MILF' joke on YouTube program

24 September 2025

'Humor is not a crime'

The Women Comedians Initiative ciriticized to the detention of Ulu. The group released a statement titled "Humor Cannot Be Silenced!"

"Free comedian Tuba Ulu! We learned with sadness that comedian Tuba Ulu was detained for insulting historical, national, and spiritual values after being targeted by certain social media accounts for a joke.

"In recent years, we have seen comedians facing detentions and arrests after being targeted for their jokes. Humor is inherently critical, free, and a mirror of society. Subjecting a comedian to judicial processes due to stage expressions or humorous posts is a blow not only to freedom of expression, but also to the joy of art and life.

"In this period where women are trying to raise their voices in every field, we do not accept the attempt to silence a woman struggling to exist on stage because of her humor. We stand by Tuba Ulu and will follow the process. Humor is not a crime, Tuba Ulu is not alone!"

(EMK/VK)

While the child is currently held at a children's prison in Hatay, southern Turkey, his family says he suffers from mental health issues and has received long term psychiatric treatment.

Conflicting reports

Investigation documents include an assessment report describing the child's mental capacity as "borderline."

However, documents submitted by the family and defense emphasize that the child has been treated for intellectual disability, attention deficit, and hyperactivity disorder.

The defense criticizes the continued detention while these contradictions regarding criminal responsibility remain unresolved.

Under Turkish law, criminal responsibility requires both the capacity to perceive the legal meaning of an act and the ability to direct one's actions accordingly.

ANKARA MEDICAL CHAMBER

‘1,941 arrested, convicted children in Turkey with their rights, needs disregarded’

7 January 2022

Suicide attempts in prison

Lawyers from the Human Rights Association (İHD) visited the facility and reported that the child attempted suicide multiple times and suffered severe crises during his detention.

The family alleges that medications the child used prior to his arrest were not allowed into the prison or were not administered regularly.

They claim they were not notified when medications ran out or about some of the suicide attempts, stating these factors have further deteriorated his health.

RIGHT INITIATIVE ASSOCIATION

‘780 Children are Behind Bars with Their Mothers’

2 December 2019

Criticism from MP Uysal

Newroz Uysal, an MP from the Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) Party, the pro Kurdish opposition party, said that the state is isolating the child instead of protecting or treating him.

"There is no concrete justification for the child's arrest. There is no suspicion of flight or tampering with evidence," Uysal said.

She added that the detention of a child with disputed criminal responsibility is legally and conscientiously unacceptable, noting he is a "vulnerable individual who could easily be manipulated."

Legal contradictions and violations

Uysal highlighted that the child was deprived of his liberty before his criminal responsibility was even properly evaluated. During a visit to the Hatay facility in Feb 2026, she documented reports of assault, insults, forced haircuts, and inadequate psychosocial support.

The lawmaker stated these violations are part of a larger problem within the juvenile justice system in Turkey, where children are sent to prisons with a disciplinary logic rather than being protected.

Demand for release

Uysal called for an end to the detention, noting the child's worsening health and repeated suicide attempts.

"We should no longer be talking about detention but about urgent protection and release for this child," she said.

Uysal and Beritan Güneş, another DEM deputy, filed a with the Human Rights Investigation Commission (İHİK) regarding the child’s detention and health condition, and a parliamentary question was submitted to the relevant ministry.

Beritan Güneş, a member of a children's rights subcomittee in the party, filed an application with the commission today at 14.32 pm local time (GMT+3). They also submitted a parliamentary inquiry to the Justice Ministry regarding the child's detention and health status.

With 155 deaths in January and 129 in February, the total number of work related deaths in the first three months of 2026 reached at least 432. During the same period last year, 447 workers lost their lives.

Women, migrant and child workers

Among those who died this month, 16 were women, 15 were migrants, and eight were child or young workers.

Women worked in sectors including agriculture, mining, trade, office work, education, metal, transportation, and warehousing.

The 15 migrant workers were from Syria, Afghanistan, Georgia, Iran, Kazakhstan, and Egypt. They were employed in agriculture, construction, transportation, textiles, and metal sectors.

Six of the children were aged 0-14, while two were in the 15-17 age group.

Only three of the deceased workers (2.02 percent) held union memberships. The remaining 145 workers (97.98 percent) were working without union representation.

Construction and transportation see highest fatalities

Sectoral data for March showed the highest number of deaths in industry with 56 cases. This was followed by the service sector with 43 deaths, construction with 28, and agriculture with 21.

The construction sector recorded the highest number of deaths in Mar with 26 fatalities. The transportation sector followed with 23 deaths, while the agriculture and forestry sector ranked third with 21 deaths.

Traffic and shuttle accidents were the leading cause of death, occurring primarily in the transportation and agriculture sectors. Heart attacks and brain hemorrhages, which affect all sectors, were the second most common cause. Falls from heights ranked third, with 72 percent of these incidents occurring at construction sites. Crushing and collapses in mining, textiles, construction, agriculture, and metal sectors were the fourth leading cause.

'Slaughterhouse system' 

The İSİG report highlighted the imprisonment of Mehmet Türkmen, the general president of the United Textile, Knitting, and Leather Workers Union (BİRTEK-SEN). Türkmen has been held since Mar 16 for participating in a protest by Sırma Halı workers who were seeking unpaid wages.

Mehmet Türkmen: A union leader behind bars after years of struggle

4 March 2025

The report added that in Antep, which is presented as a "role model for Anatolia," there are efforts to suppress the labor movement to maintain production and export speeds.

"Boasted export figures and profit margins are made possible through a repressive labor regime that imposes extreme and intensive work, hinders the struggle for rights, and establishes a collaborative unionism approach. Unions that object to this and defend a legitimate line of action are being silenced," İSİG stated.

Workplace deaths plague Turkey's textile hub as prominent union leader jailed

23 March 2026

(HA/VK)

The İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office announced the detention of eight individuals for allegedly using mocking language toward police officers on duty while filming the incident.

The video was apparently recorded from the nearby headquarters of the cosmetics retailer Gratis, which announced it has dismissed the employees reportedly involved in filming the video.

'Insulting Turkish police"

The footage captured three police officers descending stairs next to Yapı Kredi Plaza toward the site of the clash. Voices in the video can be heard saying, "He is coordinating right now. You are right back, I am left back... run, run, run down..."

Prosecutors initiated the investigation on charges that the video contained "insulting and mocking expressions toward the Turkish Police Force."

The office argued that phrases like "you are right back, I am left back" belittled the seriousness of law enforcement and aimed to discredit the police in the eyes of the public.

Officials claimed these expressions could not be evaluated simply as individual disrespect, asserting the comments were capable of disturbing public order by insulting a significant segment of society.

Authorities detained the eight identified individuals on charges of "insulting the institutions and organs of the state" under Article 301/2 of the Turkish Penal Code and "inciting the public to hatred and hostility" under Article 216/1.

Gratis dismisses employees

While reports indicated the footage was recorded from the Gratis headquarters at Yapı Kredi Plaza in Levent, the company issued a written statement regarding the matter.

Condemning the attack, Gratis announced it had terminated the employment contracts of four individuals involved in creating the video content. Others were suspended from their duties until the prosecutor's investigation is completed.

In its statement, Gratis noted that national values are its priority and that the company stands with the police at all times.

(HA/VK)

The Freedom of Expression Association (İFÖD) has said that the proposal will create a “digital panopticon,” or a central surveillance system that would monitor all user activity with full knowledge of the identity behind every account, tweet or post. 

The new law, originally proposed in February, will require Turkish identification number log-ins and ban fake or anonymous accounts following a three-month transition period. Social media companies have agreed to these terms, according to the minister. The government has also been simultaneously working on a measure that would ban social media for children under 16-years-old.

The new legislation is expected to be introduced as part of a sweeping judicial reform package that the government has been working on recently.

Same mechanism for age and ID checks

Dr. Yaman Akdeniz from İFÖD clarified that the same social media monitoring system would be used for both controlling user ages and monitoring online activity. He warned of serious privacy concerns and described this large-scale alias matching as unprecedented, although full details about the system are not yet written into law. 

The system will function by generating a platform-specific digital token for each user after their initial government ID required log-in, according to the association. This token will carry a seal confirming the user is over 15-years-old. The same token will then be used to trace all account activity connected to their identity. 

The government claims that only age information will be shared with social media platforms. İFÖD warns that this sleight of hand obscures the real issue — that the state will know the identity behind every account. 

'A paralysis of civil society'

Activists and journalists could also be impacted by what İFÖD calls “a paralysis of civil society.” Any citizen tempted to criticize corruption or call for protests, boycotts or other forms of activism will know their account is directly linked to their identity. Fear of prosecution, profiling, or termination of employment could stifle all sorts of online activity, including even the liking and sharing of posts. 

This is seemingly confirmed by Justice Minister Gürlek’s statement about the proposal where he referred to social media criticism as online “trials” and argued that those who do such “character assassinations" should be punished. 

“Trials are being conducted, decisions are being made, and judgments are being passed on social media … If someone insults someone or carries out a character assassination on social media, they must bear the consequences,” Gürlek said.  

Mass surveillance

The association argues that the proposals violate Articles 8 (right to privacy) and 10 (freedom of expression) of the European Convention on Human Rights, which Turkey is signed onto. Turkey is also a signatory of The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, which safeguards children’s rights to access information, freedom of expression and development. This also contradicts the age restriction proposal. 

Akdeniz described the “protection of children” argument as a “trojan horse,” with the ultimate goal being to develop the central online surveillance system in question. He noted how other countries, like Australia, have left age-verification issues to the platforms themselves.  

According to Akdeniz, social media companies have effectively been turned into “compliant apparatuses” of the state’s censorship and surveillance mechanism. 

“Some users migrated to Bluesky, others use multiple platforms but the solution is not to find a safer or better platform. All platforms, small, medium or large will be affected by this system,” Akdeniz said. 

X users in Turkey migrate to Bluesky amid censorship

5 April 2025

According to an İFÖD report, Internet governance in Turkey has “transformed into a process of backroom bargaining and data exchange between platforms and the state.” 

İFÖD believes that instead social media companies should be fulfilling critical obligations including establishing local representation, data localization, and mandatory transparency reporting in line with the higher transparency standards of the European Union (EU). 

However, major social media companies have already “passed the stage of caring and respecting fundamental rights in Turkey,” Akdeniz added. (İK/VK)

Industry sources by various Turkish outlets indicate that the drop in Brent crude will now translate into lower costs at the pump. While the exact figures will be finalized following the opening of the Italian markets, initial data suggests a reduction exceeding 10 liras for both gasoline and diesel.

The application of these discounts will vary due to the sliding scale (eşel mobil) system. The discount for diesel is expected to be reflected entirely in the pump price as the Special Consumption Tax limit has been exhausted. Under the current system for gasoline, 75% of the calculated discount will be used to replenish the ÖTV, while the remaining 25% will be applied as a price cut.

Amid Iran war, transport prices jump over 4.5% in Turkey in a month

3 April 2026

The conflict, which began on Feb 28, saw Brent crude appreciate by 53% in a short period. To mitigate the impact on consumers, the government implemented the sliding scale system, absorbing 75% of potential price hikes through tax adjustments.

Despite these measures, fuel prices have risen significantly since the start of the war. In İstanbul, gasoline rose from 58.34 liras to 63.25 liras, while diesel surged from 60.39 liras to 85.29 liras. LPG prices also saw a 15.5% rise during the same period, moving from 30.29 liras to 34.99 liras (1 US dollar = 44.51 Turkish lira). (VK)

The imperialist attack by the US and Israel against Iran reveals the de facto operation of these systems on the ground in all its clarity. The data processing power before us does not function as a passive auxiliary software attached to the attack apparatus from the outside. On the contrary, it is positioned as the main mechanism that directly settles into the chain of command, processing intelligence and taking over targeting decisions.

The stages of the attack: From cyber networks to firepower

The wave of attacks against Iran began on the night of February 28, 2026, with interventions targeting the country’s digital networks. According to the operational timeline announced to the press by US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Caine on March 2, the US Cyber Command and Space Command stepped in hours before the physical destruction. Long before the first missiles found their targets, a comprehensive cyberattack was launched, disabling Iran's communication infrastructure, radar networks, and air defense sensors. By the morning of March 1, platforms such as the BadeSaba religious calendar application, which has more than 5 million downloads, were hacked, and psychological warfare messages themed “time of reckoning” were broadcast nationwide. The goal was to disable Iran’s capacity to communicate and perceive danger in the very first seconds through software moves.

Immediately after the communication network was collapsed in the hours connecting February 28 to March 1, operational artificial intelligence systems were placed at the center of the operation. Millions of data points from spy satellites, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), ground radars, and intelligence agents on the field flowed into the US Central Command (CENTCOM) headquarters in a single digital stream. Integrated systems like Project Maven and Anthropic’s language models synthesized this massive pile of data in minutes. The system automatically mapped moving objects, clusters of military vehicles, fuel depots, communication nodes, and “suspicious” structures, presenting a prioritized strike list to the command echelon.

This operational list, processed by software, was transferred to the firepower on the ground within minutes as of March 1, 2026. In the final stage, fighter jets, cruise missiles, and other platforms were activated. The fact that more than 1000 targets were struck in just the first 24 hours of the operation proves that this was not merely an intense aerial bombardment. The picture before us clearly shows that the firing rhythm was coordinated much faster and through a targeting layout operating entirely on machine logic.

Software authority narrowing the decision time

The command echelon that personally directed the attack also confirms this extraordinary speed and technical infrastructure established in the first phase of the operation. According to statements reflected in the press on March 11, 2026, CENTCOM Commander Brad Cooper states that the military deployed various advanced AI tools on the battlefield and that these tools processed massive data sets in seconds, accelerating the decision-making process to an unprecedented degree. The time between the steps of finding, fixing, and finishing the target—referred to in military terminology as the “kill chain”—is significantly compressed due to these software programs. The task of scanning satellite imagery and decoding intelligence, which previously took months, is reduced to a few minutes. Critical decisions such as which structure to strike first, which weapon to allocate to which, or how to calculate the risk of civilian casualties are made entirely within the speed of this digital flow. In other words, the machine does not merely operate as an archive storing information; it takes on an active role by shaping maneuver options, shortening firing times, and automating the destruction process.

The defense bureaucracy’s argument that “the final decision always rests with the human” largely turns into a formal guarantee in the accelerated operation on the ground. Even if this setup does not work as an autonomous robot army replacing soldiers, it completely captures the essence of the decision and initiative. Because by the time it reaches the soldier who presses the “approve” button on the screen, automated systems have already decided which data to highlight, which structure to consider a threat, which movement to find suspicious, and which target to strike first. The human agent often assumes the role of a bureaucratic figure who unquestioningly approves the picture presented to them. The interface presented to them consists only of data filtered by the software, detached from the operational context, geographical reality, and historical background.

The fact that machine authority has become so decisive in command structures does not reflect a mere pursuit of military efficiency. US imperialism is trying to overcome its hegemony crisis and declining influence by deploying its technological superiority as violence onto the field at an unprecedented speed. Reducing the time between finding and striking a target to seconds relies on the reflex of establishing absolute planetary domination, giving the opposing side no reaction or defense time against the imperialist intervention.

The Minab Primary School attack: The consequences of accelerated targeting

The increase in operational speed nullifies the bureaucratic objection time and eliminates the possibility of cross-verifying intelligence. As such, the consequences of the slightest deviation in data sets, an old, un-updated satellite image, or a mathematical bias leaked into the codes reach an extremely severe scale. The disastrous possibilities created by the accelerated “kill chain” have not remained an abstract scenario. The US attack on the Shajarat al-Tayyibah Primary School in the city of Minab, Iran, on February 28, 2026, constitutes one of the most tragic examples of the structural flaws of AI-supported systems.

This attack, in which at least 175 people, mostly children, lost their lives, necessitated a deep investigation into how the targets were technically determined. According to the preliminary investigation findings supported by The New York Times published on March 11, 2026, CENTCOM relied on old and un-updated coordinates located in the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) database when striking this point. The school building in question was previously part of a military base belonging to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy. However, visual inspections clearly reveal that between 2013 and 2016, this building was separated from the military area by wire fences, its watchtowers were dismantled, its walls were painted, and a playground was added to its courtyard. Yet, in the comprehensive database, this place continued to be coded as a valid “military target” even years later.

As the hour of the attack approached, Project Maven (and likely Anthropic’s Claude language model integrated into this system), supported by the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA), was in operation. The system ceaselessly scanned hundreds of thousands of images and texts to identify “points of interest” on the ground. Military officials claim that the disaster stemmed not directly from computing technologies, but from the failure of personnel to double-check old data within the extraordinary speed brought about by the war. But this is exactly where the real problem lies: The system produces targets so rapidly and in such large numbers that the human element in between turns into a dysfunctional intermediary who merely presses the approval button. As the tempo of war increases, human verification processes collapse, and a few lines of un-updated data lead a Tomahawk cruise missile to strike a primary school. Although the Trump administration tried to obfuscate the responsibility for the attack in the early days, and Trump baselessly suggested that the school might have been struck by Iran, Tomahawk fragments found on site and military investigation findings clarify that the targeting infrastructure used directly by the US military is responsible.

The software center of the war: Palantir and Project Maven

At the center of this massive targeting structure lies the technology company Palantir. The role played by the company is glossed over in the public eye with a harmless expression like “defense software provider,” as preferred by the mainstream media. However, the operation on the ground involves delegating military command authority to private company technologies. Palantir builds the main platform that converts raw data flowing from the field into a target list. According to a March 9, 2026, Steve Feinberg letter seen by Reuters, the Maven system was elevated to the status of an official program of record.

This decision documents that the software has ceased to be a temporary technological experiment and has become one of the US military’s permanent and most fundamental decision-making tools. In the same official document, it is stated that Maven parsed battlefield data, determined targets via data, and was used directly in thousands of targeted missile strikes conducted against Iran. The fact that the task of battlefield surveillance was taken from traditional institutions like the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency and handed directly to the Pentagon’s Chief Digital and Artificial Intelligence Office shows that what occurred was not just a profitable software contract, but a comprehensive transformation in the military's institutional structure.

The working logic of the Maven system draws the absolute limit reached by automation in the field. The software merges data in various formats coming from spy satellites in space, drone sensors in the air, radars on the ground, and intelligence reports onto a single screen through data fusion and deep learning algorithms. Then, it automatically labels the structures it codes as enemy elements. In a demonstration held at a Palantir event in March 2026, a Pentagon official explained how Maven was used for targeting in the Middle East and showcased the system’s accelerated assessment capacity accompanied by heat maps. In these presentations, it was emphasized that the process, which previously required hours of work by dozens of analysts, could now be handled in seconds. All these demonstrations go beyond being a simple product advertisement; right in the middle of an active war, exactly while the Iranian geography is under fire, they signify the institutionalization of a technology company as an essential element of the war.

Palantir’s function is not limited to storing data or providing an interface. It is known that the platform established by the company, after visualizing and analyzing potential targets, can automatically nominate them for ground or air strikes. The system provides direct tactical recommendations to the military command on which aircraft should take off, which munition would create a higher impact on that geographical structure, and how to approach the target. In a published system demonstration, the user asks the system what the suspicious activity in the region is; the system analyzes the probable troop structure in seconds, then generates alternative operational options, advance routes, and steps to disrupt the enemy's communication. Here, the position of the software ceases to be an auxiliary analysis tool; it takes on a structure that determines target priority, the military’s maneuver direction, and the distribution of bombs to be dropped, directly shaping the operational domain.

How the technology company positions itself is also important for understanding the structural dimension of the issue. Information relayed from the company’s own events shows that revenues obtained from the government are increasing at an unprecedented rate, that selling technology to militaries sits at the very center of the company’s identity, and that due to the active conflicts in Iran, the priority of all software teams has been updated to “directly support troops on the frontline.” It is no coincidence that Shyam Sankar, one of the company’s highest-ranking technology executives (CTO), simultaneously serves as a lieutenant colonel in the US Army. A company executive producing war technology being directly involved in the military structure using that technology proves that personnel, corporate language, and operational priorities are completely intertwined. On the contract level, the numbers are constantly multiplying. A contract worth up to $480 million was signed just in 2024 for the Maven project, and the contract ceiling was raised to $1.3 billion in 2025. Palantir is now in the position of a core manager in the Pentagon's modernization process.

Deploying large language models to the front: Anthropic and Claude

The administrative dispute between the Pentagon and Anthropic, a company that stands out with human rights discourses in its integration process with the war apparatus, serves as an ideological discourse function covering up the reality on the ground. At first glance, the public got the impression that there was a principled conflict between a “technology company that sets limits” and a “state that knows no bounds.” The reality of the incident, however, fits into a much narrower legal framework. Anthropic did not want the Pentagon to use its model named Claude for mass domestic surveillance targeting US citizens and fully autonomous weapon systems that do not require human approval. The Pentagon rejected this restriction and officially declared the company a supply chain risk on March 5, 2026.

These administrative labeling and banning discourses did not mean that the Pentagon abandoned the use of Claude in operations in Iran. On the contrary, it has been documented that this model continued to be used on the frontline in intelligence analysis, synthesizing text data coming from the field, and operational planning. When delving into the technical depth of the matter, the situation becomes even clearer. The Claude large language model was already operating integrated into Palantir’s Maven system via APIs. According to leaked reports, numerous command and intelligence workflows on the Maven platform were built directly upon Anthropic’s code infrastructure. Radio conversations and Persian leak texts from Iranian elements whose communications were intercepted were instantly translated into English and turned into military summaries through these language models.

The model produced by the company functioned not as an independent research tool connected from outside the war chain, but as a processing center situated directly inside the command architecture. The visual layer that mathematically parsed satellite imagery and radar data, and the language model that read and synthesized leak reports from the field, fused within a single targeting interface. Even after the Pentagon’s sanction decision, it was understood that it would take weeks for Palantir to rip this code from the heart of the system and replace it with another infrastructure. This situation proves how structural a position large language models have settled into in processing data on the frontline.

Colonial technology transfer: From Palestine to Iran

It must be emphasized that these technologies, which strike thousands of targets in seconds, did not emerge in a vacuum, but are the product of a specific colonial experience and military laboratory process. Much of the targeting systems and automated command logic that the US military uses on a massive scale in Iran today were bloodily tested on real targets in Palestinian territories for decades, and recently in Lebanon, by the occupying and genocidal Israeli forces.

By using targeting systems such as Habsora (The Gospel) and Lavender in Gaza operations, the Israeli military automatically marked buildings where tens of thousands of people lived and carried out different types of attacks. The Israeli military technology industry directly earned the title “field-tested” for the surveillance and targeting software it produces over the bodies of Palestinians. Palestine functions as a closed testing ground where these new generation weapons and data integrations are trialed before entering the global market. These systems, which reduce human life in Palestine to simple communication data (WhatsApp group membership, location data, etc.), code casualties as a mathematical threshold and cost calculation.

The technological infrastructure established there and tested on Palestinians combines with the cloud contracts of technology monopolies (such as Project Nimbus run by Google and Amazon) to transform into the main targeting logic in the US operations in Iran today. For many years, Israel has been using technology as a weapon to maintain its own occupation, while also placing the data sets and practices of violence obtained from this test field at the service of the US’s regional military objectives. Technology transfer, in this context, directly symbolizes the transfer of the occupation experience and colonial reason.

Dismantling the imperialist war apparatus

The US and Israel do not use technology monopolies in their military operations as ordinary suppliers providing software from the outside, but as the main determinant of the decision-making and command chain. While systems that turn data into a target bank via Project Maven become the core programs of the war, language models like Claude are integrated into intelligence layers, and Silicon Valley capital undertakes this massive computational load. The codes produced and the infrastructures established remove the companies in question (and other major technology monopolies) from being spectators of the process and transform them into one of the main actors of the imperialist intervention and destruction on the ground.

Faced with this picture, calling on technology companies to adhere to “ethical rules” or demanding to make artificial intelligence more transparent means missing the essence of the matter. Security protocols squeezed into corporate charters vanish in a second when the military objectives of the Pentagon or Israel are involved. There is no possibility of “humanizing” or improving a system whose fundamental purpose is to automate imperialist domination and to keep targeted geographies under control by depopulating them. We cannot neutralize a war machine that calculates the coordinates of missiles raining down on people worldwide, the speed of the wind, and the margin of error of the massacre with a few lines of code. The task before us is not to demand the regulation of algorithms; it requires organizing a political objection that will radically transform the property relations that bring those algorithms into existence and the imperialist war apparatus they serve. (DS/VC/VK)

Police detained seven suspects in raids today on identified addresses in İstanbul and Kocaeli, Anadolu Agency (AA) reported.

İstanbul police announced yesterday that three suspects had been detained in addition to two attackers were apprehended after beign wounded in the incident. Today's detentions bring the total number to 12.

The attack took place when three people opened fire on the police post outside the plaza building housing the consulate. Two officers were lightly wounded in the clash.

Authorities said procedures for eight suspects are continuing at the İstanbul Security Directorate, while the two wounded attackers will be taken to the police headquarters after their treatment is completed.

The consulate has largely been vacant for over two years with no Israeli diplomats present, according to statements from both Turkish and Israeli authorities.

No group has yet claimed responsibility for the attack. However, the interior minister hinted that it might have been carried out by ISIS, describing the perpetrators as "the group that exploits the religion."

Investigation into social media posts

The Press Crimes Investigation Bureau of the prosecutor's offie launched an ex officio investigation on the grounds that “derogatory and mocking remarks were made against the Turkish Police Organization by the person/persons present at the scene” in a video shared by certain media outlets and on social media platforms.

The statement alleged that the phrases “You’re the right-back, I’m the left-back” were directed at the police, and that this constituted “a belittling of the seriousness of law enforcement and an attempt to discredit them in the eyes of the public.”

The statement noted that the incident was being evaluated under Article 301/2 of the Turkish Penal Code (“publicly insulting the state’s security forces”) and Article 216/1 (“inciting the public to hatred or hostility, or insulting them”), and that efforts to identify and apprehend the suspects had been initiated. (VC/VK)

Men injured at least 37 women in March, abused at least 11 girls and boys, and harassed 28 women. Men forced 19 women into sex work.

The deaths of 58 women and 14 children in March were “suspicious” cases where it could not be definitively determined whether they were gender-based.

Femicide 

Men killed at least 32 women in March; last year, the number was 24 for the same month.

Men killed 12 women because they refused to reconcile after the women wanted to separate. He killed two women out of jealousy and one woman to rob her. The motives for the men’s killings of 17 women were not reported in the media. The perpetrator who killed two women was under 18 years old.

One of the women killed by men was Algerian (Nasıra Saigi), and another was Syrian (Shaımas A.).

Twenty women were killed by their husbands, boyfriends, or ex-husbands; two by relatives; four by their sons, brothers, or grandsons; one by a coworker; one by a son-in-law; and one by a student. The identity of the man who killed two women was not reported in the media.

Men killed 23 women inside the home and nine women outside the home.

Men killed 18 women with firearms and eight women with sharp instruments. Men killed three women by beating them, burned two women, and strangled one woman.

Child murder

Men killed at least four children in March 2026. Last year, this number was 10.

Two children were killed by their father; the identities of the six men who killed the other two children were not disclosed to the press. The men killed two children by beating them and two others with a sharp object. The men killed two children inside the home and two children outside the home.

Harassment

In March, men harassed at least 28 women. This number was 20 in the same month last year.

Men harassed women in public spaces.

A female faculty member was harassed. The identities of the 11 men who harassed women were not reported in the media.

Child Abuse

Men abused 11 children in March. Last year, this number was 15.

Men abused five children inside the home and 10 children outside the home.

Three children were abused by a government employee, two by a relative, two by a teacher, and two by a professor of psychology they had gone to for support. The relationship between the seven men who abused six children was not reported in the media.

Sexual Assault/Rape

In March, men raped four women. Last year, this number was two.

While a municipal council member raped one woman, the identities of the men who raped the other three women were not reported in the media.

Violence / Assault

Men committed acts of violence against at least 37 women in March. Last year, the number was 59 for the same month. Transgender women were among those subjected to violence by men.

At least five women were hospitalized with injuries.

Twenty-two women were injured by their husbands, boyfriends, or ex-husbands; three by relatives; three by friends; one by a hospital visitor; one by a neighbor; one by her son; and one by police officers. The identities of the perpetrators who injured five women were not reported in the media.

Men injured at least 12 women because they “did not want to reconcile or wanted to break up.” One woman was injured out of jealousy, and another was injured in an attempted robbery. The reasons men gave for injuring 23 women were not reported in the media.

Men injured 26 women by beating them, six women with firearms, and three women with sharp objects. Men also ran over one woman with a car.

Men injured 19 women inside their homes and 18 women outside their homes.

Forced into Sex Work

In March, men forced 19 women into sex work. Last year, the number was 56 for the same month. Children were among those forced into sex work. All of the women forced into sex work were Turkish citizens.

(EMK)

The incident began at around 12.15 local time (GMT+3), prompting special operations forces to be dipatched to the scene, according to the statement.

One assailant was killed and two were apprehended after being wounded during the incident, İstanbul Governor Davut Gül confirmed. Two police officers were also lightly injured. 

The assailants reportedly used rifles during the attack. No group has yet claimed responsibility.

Video circulating on social media purportedly shows a police officer and an assailant exchanging fire with two vans between them. The officer then lies on the ground and shoots the assailant in the leg:

Bizim polis yere yatıp arabanın altından bacağına sıkmış. Çok yakın mesafe pic.twitter.com/N5uLYsQP7R

— Tarık (@aondemon_) April 7, 2026

The consulate is located in the Levent neighborhood, a business hub lined with high-rise offices. Several floors of one of the Yapı Kredi Plaza buildings house Israel’s consulate.

The mission has been largely vacant with no Israeli diplomats present, according to the İstanbul governor.

Another video apparently filmed from a nearby building purportedly shows the moments of the gunfight:

Levent'te bulunan İsrail Konsolosluğu'na saldırı düzenlendi. Yaralılar var. pic.twitter.com/JfInvEpmME

— Asayiş Berkemal (@asayisberkemal0) April 7, 2026

Interior minister implies ISIS behind attack

Interior Minister Mustafa Çiftçi suggested ISIS involvement in the attack without naming the group, instead referring to it as "an organization that exploits religion":

“Three individuals who engaged in an armed clash with our police officers on duty in front of the Yapı Kredi Plaza Buildings in İstanbul have been neutralized. Two of our heroic police officers sustained minor injuries in the clash.

"The identities of the terrorists have been established. It has been determined that one of the individuals, who were identified as having traveled to İstanbul from İzmit in a rented vehicle, has ties to an organization that exploits religion; it has also been established that one of the two terrorists—who are brothers—has a record of drug offenses."

Condemnation from Israel

The Israeli Foreign Ministry condemned the incident in a statement, thanking Turkey's security forces for their response:

"We strongly condemn the terrorist attack on the Israeli Consulate in İstanbul today.

"We appreciate the Turkish security forces’ swift action in thwarting this attack."

Statement from justice minister

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek announced on social media that an investigation has been opened into the incident:

"The İstanbul Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office has immediately launched an investigation into reports of gunfire near the Israeli Consulate in the Beşiktaş district of İstanbul.

"As part of the investigation, a deputy chief public prosecutor and two public prosecutors have been assigned; our public prosecutors promptly arrived at the scene and began their inquiries.

"In order to fully clarify all aspects of the incident, efforts are being carried out in coordination with the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office and relevant law enforcement units, and the investigation is being conducted with meticulous care and from multiple angles."

(VK)

The second hearing of the trial took place today at the Diyarbakır 22nd Penal Court of First Instance, the Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA) reported.

The indictment prepared after the investigation said it was determined that "the events of 1915 were portrayed as genocide, the uprisings of that period were described as 'the justified struggle of freedom fighters,' and Armenians living in the region were shown as having their names and religion forcibly changed and being subjected to inhumane treatment."

Dialogues from the film were cited as evidence for the charges.

Two rights advocates acquitted over ‘Armenian Genocide’ remarks

2 May 2024

Lawyer Fırat Yıldız told the court they did not agree with the prosecutor's opinion and requested Aksoy's acquittal. He said such trials restrict freedom of expression and place pressure on art.

Yıldız said his client was not the film's director and had only been involved in the screening process.

"Even if he were the director, this should still be evaluated within the scope of freedom of expression. The European Court of Human Rights has precedent decisions on this issue. There are also existing acquittal rulings for individuals and institutions prosecuted over statements on the events of 1915, including the Diyarbakır Bar Association," he said.

Following the defense statements, the court acquitted Rojhilat Aksoy.

 (TY/VK)

In a statement on social media, Uraloğlu said the Turkish-owned Ocean Thunder completed its exit from the Gulf after passing safely through the Strait of Hormuz overnight.

“As a result of our work with the Foreign Ministry, the Turkish-owned ship Ocean Thunder, which was sailing to carry crude oil loaded in Iraq to Malaysia, safely passed through the Strait of Hormuz as of last night and completed its exit from the Gulf,” Uraloğlu said.

‘Turkey wants neither Israel nor Iran to dominate Middle East’

3 April 2026

He added that three ships that had been waiting in the Gulf since the start of the war have now safely left through the strait.

“With this passage, the number of Turkish-owned ships in the vicinity of the Strait of Hormuz has fallen to 12, and the number of ships requesting departure has fallen to eight,” he said.

Uraloğlu said efforts were continuing without interruption to ensure the safe transfer of the eight ships still seeking to leave the region and their 156 crew members.

He said the ministry would continue to closely monitor Turkish-owned ships and Turkish seafarers in the region in coordination with the Foreign Ministry and other relevant institutions.

Turkey hikes household electricity, gas prices 25%

4 April 2026

'Hormuz is open to friendly nations'

Iran's embassy in Turkey also confirmed the passage in a social media post describing Turkey as a friendly country.

"As part of coordination efforts with the relevant authorities in the Islamic Republic regarding safe passage, a second Turkish vessel has passed through the Strait of Hormuz and is proceeding toward its final destination.

"The Strait of Hormuz is open to the passage and navigation of friendly nations. Restrictions apply only to hostile nations."

Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz to all but ships it had authorized as part of retaliation in the air war launched against it by the US and Israel on Feb 28. The strait handles 20% of the world’s oil supply.

Since the start of the Hormuz crisis, fuel prices in Turkey have risen sharply, with diesel prices increasing by about 33% since early March.

Amid Iran war, transport prices jump over 4.5% in Turkey in a month

3 April 2026

(VK)

His early work included roles at the State Planning Organization and Middle East Technical University starting in 1966, where he wrote for leftist publications like Yön, Emek, and Ant advocating socialist revolution.

Küçük advanced to docent in 1971 but was dismissed after the 1971 coup; he later managed Cumhuriyet newspaper's economics section from 1973-1976 and participated in the Workers' Party of Turkey (TİP) revival.

He served as a reserve officer in the 1974 Cyprus war.

Post-1980 coup, he taught at Ankara and Gazi Universities until retirement in 1994, while editing socialist outlets like Yürüyüş, Sosyalist İktidar, Toplumsal Kurtuluş, and Hep İleri. In 1993, he interviewed PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, later serving two years for related propaganda charges.

Küçük authored dozens of books on Ottoman history, Soviet economics, crypto-Judaism in Turkey, and critiques of modern politics, including multi-volume series like Türkiye Üzerine Tezler (Theses on Turkey) and Kürtler Üzerine Tezler (Theses on Kurds). 

In the Ergenekon trials, he was arrested multiple times (2009, 2011) and sentenced to 22.5 years in 2013 for alleged leadership in the "Ergenekon" organization, but released in 2014 after exceeding detention limits.

Küçük was born on July 1, 1938, in İskenderun, Turkey. He graduated first in his class from Ankara University's Faculty of Political Sciences in 1960 and became active in student movements, including Fikir Kulüpleri Federasyonu. (VK)

According to the report, a total of 203 cases were reflected in the press over the three-month period. Suspicious deaths made up the highest share, followed by sexual abuse in second place.

The study includes reports compiled from Evrensel, bianet, Jin News, Mezopotamya Agency, Anıt Sayaç, T24, and numerous local media outlets. For that reason, the data in the report does not show the full scope of violence against children, but only the visible portion that was reported in the press.

According to the report, 42.4 percent of the cases were recorded in January, 40.9 percent in February, and 16.7 percent in March. In numerical terms, 86 cases were identified in January, 83 in February, and 34 in March. The data showed that violence against children was markedly concentrated in the first two months of the year.

Violence against girls more visible

Girls stood out in the gender distribution of victims. According to the report, 47.8 percent of the cases involved girls, 36.9 percent involved boys, and 15.3 percent involved children whose gender was unknown. In numerical terms, this distribution was recorded as 97 girls, 75 boys, and 31 cases of unknown gender.

However, the report also showed that this picture changes depending on the type of violence. Sexual abuse cases reached 41.2 percent among girls, while this rate was recorded at 8 percent among boys. By contrast, among boys, suspicious death reached 48 percent, battery/injury 25.3 percent, and murder 16 percent.

The most concentrated age group was 15-17

The highest rate of incidents was seen in the 15-17 age group. According to the report, 35 percent of the cases fell within this age range. This was followed by children whose age was unknown at 25.6 percent, the 6-11 age group at 16.3 percent, the 2-5 age group at 8.9 percent, and the 12-14 age group, also at 8.9 percent. Although the 0-1 age group had the lowest rate at 5.4 percent, the report drew special attention to the presence of newborn cases within this group.

Suspicious death

One of the most striking findings in the report was the distribution by type of violence. According to the data, 30 percent of the cases were recorded as suspicious death, 23.6 percent as sexual abuse, 16.3 percent as battery/injury, 10.3 percent as murder, 10.3 percent as torture and ill-treatment, 7.9 percent as forced prostitution, and 1.5 percent as verbal and physical harassment. In numerical terms, the report included 61 cases of suspicious death, 48 of sexual abuse, 33 of battery/injury, 21 of murder, 21 of torture and ill-treatment, 16 of forced prostitution, and 3 of harassment.

The report also noted that the category of “sexual abuse” jointly covers cases described in the press as sexual abuse, sexual harassment, and sexual assault, while deaths caused by neglect were also evaluated under the category of “suspicious death.”

In most cases, the perpetrator is unknown

The data on the perpetrator profile was also striking. According to the report, the perpetrator was unknown in 45.8 percent of the cases. However, in incidents where the perpetrator could be identified, teachers stood out at 13.8 percent and law enforcement at 11.3 percent. They were followed by someone or some people known to the child at 5.9 percent, someone or some people unknown to the child at 5.4 percent, the biological father at 4.9 percent, and the victim’s circle of friends at 3 percent.

The report’s cross-analyses also showed that certain types of violence were concentrated among specific perpetrator groups. Accordingly, 95.2 percent of torture and ill-treatment cases were linked to law enforcement, while 56.3 percent of sexual abuse cases were associated with teachers. The same table showed that the biological father was particularly notable in murder cases.

The highest number of cases was in Kocaeli, Ankara, Şırnak, and İstanbul

In the city-based distribution, Kocaeli ranked first with 26 cases. It was followed by Ankara with 20, Şırnak with 19, and İstanbul with 17 cases. The report also said that 9 cases each were recorded in Diyarbakır and İzmir, 8 in Antalya, 7 each in Mardin and Urfa, 6 each in Adana, Antep, and Kayseri, and 5 in Hatay.

Peer violence

The study also examined under a separate heading the cases in which both the victim and the perpetrator were children. A significant portion of these cases was concentrated in the age 17 group, all of the victims were boys, and the incidents were largely grouped under murder and battery/injury. The report emphasized that these cases emerged particularly within circles of friends and peer relationships.

Violence not limited to the family

The report’s overall assessment shows that violence against children is not limited to family relationships, but also occurs in schools, security units, close social circles, and public spaces.

In particular, the fact that suspicious deaths rank first, the high rate of sexual abuse, and the prominence of teachers and law enforcement in cases where the perpetrator could be identified all point to the need for child protection policies to be addressed not only through punitive measures, but together with institutional oversight and preventive social policies. (NÖ/VK)

Because the anniversary date of Apr 5 coincided with Easter, the event was held on Apr 4. Eggs were painted, Easter bread was baked, and participants listened to music together.

In its latest issue published on Apr 3, the newspaper featured its writers’ memories of the past 30 years and their wishes for the future.

Agos published its first issue on Apr 5, 1996, with a team that included Hrant Dink, Harutyun Şeşetyan, and Anna Turay.

Hrant Dink, the then editor-in-chief of the paper, was assassinated outside its office on Jan 19, 2007. Although the gunman was caught, those behind the killing were not fully identified.

After Dink, the role of editor-in-chief was held in turn by Etyen Mahçupyan, Rober Koptaş, and Yetvart Danzikyan.

1000th Issue of Agos Newspaper Hits the Shelves

3 July 2015

(VK)

The investigation is being carried out on charges of “establishing and leading a criminal organization,” “membership in a criminal organization,” “bribery,” “laundering assets derived from criminal activity,” and “causing zoning pollution.”

Bozbey and the 56 detainees, as well as eight other who had been detained earlier, face charges such as bribery, forming a criminal organization, and laundering assets derived from crime, according to the state-run Anadolu Agency (AA).

Since March last year, widespread corruption investigations have been carried out targeting municipalities controlled by the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP). As part of these investigations, several mayors, including those of major cities such as İstanbul, Antalya and Adana, have been placed in pretrial detention and suspended from office.

Thirty-one opposition mayors removed from office since 2024 elections

2 April 2026

Eleven released

After giving statements to prosecutors, Mustafa Bozbey, his brother R. Bozbey, and 51 other suspects were referred to a criminal judgeship of peace with a request for arrest.

The judge arrested Bozbey and several others while releasing 11 suspects under judicial control.

Following Bozbey's arrest, the Interior Ministry has suspended him from office, exercising its authority in cases of criminal investigations against local administrators. The ministry’s statement said the following:

"Bursa Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Mustafa Bozbey has been suspended from office as a temporary measure by the Interior Ministry, in accordance with Article 127 of the Constitution and Article 47 of Municipal Law No. 5393, following his arrest by the Bursa 6th Criminal Judgeship of Peace on Apr 4, 2026, on charges of ‘establishing and leading a criminal organization and accepting bribes.’"

Bozbey is expected to be replaced by an acting mayor selected by the city council.

Indictment seeks up to 2,352 years in prison for İmamoğlu

12 November 2025

'We will meet again in free days'

Following Bozbey’s arrest, a statement was shared on his social media account:

“Bursa did not deserve this. An injustice has been done to the will and efforts of the people of Bursa. No one should lose hope, we will meet again in free days. We will continue to work and produce for our Bursa. Our word is our promise: Bursa will get what it deserves. Bursa will win!”

Gül Çiftçi, deputy chair responsible for election and legal affairs of the CHP, criticized Bozbey’s arrest in a social media a post, claiming that it was based solely on witness testimonies:

“Mustafa Bozbey left his post as Nilüfer mayor in 2019, did not hold any office for five years, and won the elections on March 31, 2024 as our party’s candidate for Bursa Metropolitan Mayor. Turning an allegation dating back seven years into grounds for arrest today, based solely on witness testimony, is an open conspiracy against the will of the people of Bursa.

“We all know that Mustafa Bozbey has been deprived of his freedom today because he refused to submit to any imposition aimed at undermining his will, despite clear and implicit pressure directed at him.

“We stand by our mayor. We will continue our struggle with determination until this unlawfulness comes to an end.”

(VC/VK)

While household electricity prices saw the steepest increase, rates for commercial users connected at low voltage rose 17.5%, compared with 5.8% for industrial subscribers connected at medium voltage and 24.8% for agricultural subscribers on medium-voltage lines, according to an EPDK statement late yesterday.

The increase means the average electricity bill for a family of four will rise to over 800 liras based on monthly consumption of 250 kWh.

Households were also the most affected by the natural gas price increase, according to BOTAŞ’s monthly tariff. By comparison, prices rose 18.61% for industrial subscribers and 19.42% for natural gas used in electricity generation.

EPDK said a tariff-based and tiered pricing system for natural gas had also entered into force. The natural gas tariff and the tiered system will vary depending on BOTAŞ sales prices.

Fuel prices in Turkey set for sharp increase amid closure of Hormuz strait

3 March 2026

The price increases came hours after inflation data for March was released. While annual inflation stood at 30.87%, lowest in recent years, transportation prices rose by more than 4.5% in a month, largely because fuel prices increased during the Iran war.

In İstanbul, the price of one liter of diesel rose from around 60 liras on Mar 2, to nearly 80 liras as of today. Food inflation, which is directly affected by fuel prices, remained above the overall inflation rate (1 US dollar = 44.50 Turkish liras).

Turkey introduces fuel price buffer system amid Hormuz crisis

5 March 2026

Turkey sources about 15% of its natural gas from Iran. Reports emerged that gas flows from Iran to Turkey had been cut after the US-Israel coalition struck the Pars gas field, the country’s largest natural gas field last month. However, Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar denied those reports in a statement on Mar 24, saying that gas flow from Iran continues and Turkey's storage facilities are currently 71% full. (VK)