The study, presented at a press conference at the Human Rights Association (İHD) İstanbul office today, examines how administrative regulations and shifting migration policies implemented since late 2024 affect access to healthcare, justice, and education.

The report is based on nearly 50 in-depth interviews conducted across different districts of İstanbul, and researchers noted that the study is ongoing. Representatives from the network and İHD attended the press conference.

According to official figures cited in the report, the number of Syrian migrants under temporary protection in Turkey decreased from 3.7 million to 2.9 million since the fall of the Baath regime in Dec 2024, with more than 400,000 of them residing in İstanbul.

While authorities present the repatriation of more than 700,000 individuals as voluntary, field data indicates that spatial restrictions, bureaucratic obstacles in updating address registrations, and legal ambiguities leave asylum seekers in a state of insecurity, hindering long-term social integration.

A homecoming: Yaman’s journey of belonging between İstanbul and Aleppo

10 December 2025

Focus on vulnerable groups

Speaking on the findings, Özgün Özata from the network said that the research focuses specifically on the loss of rights experienced by vulnerable groups such as women, children, and LGBTI+s.

"These groups face greater difficulties in social life and become easy targets for racist rhetoric," Özata said, adding that while men were also interviewed, the study concentrated heavily on the specific problems of these groups.

"We wanted to see how the loss of rights we read about on paper affects people's daily lives. We observed that these actually lead to quite dramatic consequences, and we want to share them," she added.

Syrian refugee regains temporary protection status after HIV-related suspension

27 August 2025

Access to healthcare

The report highlights severe limitations in the healthcare sector, noting that migrants are increasingly reassigned from Family Health Centers to Migrant Health Centers. Because there are only 33 migrant health centers across İstanbul, families must pay a monthly contribution fee of 3,000 liras (~64.8 US dollars) when visiting local clinics. 

High co-payments and service fees severely restrict low-income families from accessing preventative care, prenatal monitoring, vaccinations, and regular medications, sometimes driving individuals toward unregistered medical alternatives.

In the field of education, the report documents that school-aged migrant children frequently experience peer bullying and social exclusion. Network representatives warned that without stronger interventions from school administrations and counseling services, children who drop out face a heightened risk of social isolation and informal labor.

Report: Media Blames Syrian Refugees for Citizens Who Cannot Receive Healthcare

6 January 2020

Women avoid reporting domestic violence

Regarding access to justice, the study reveals that migrant women who experience domestic violence are often afraid to approach the police or judicial mechanisms due to a fear of deportation, a vulnerability exacerbated by Turkey's decision to leave the İstanbul Convention, a Council of Europe treat for combating violence against women.

The report cites an instance where a migrant woman applied to a migrant health center for an abortion and was accused of "unchastity" because her residence records did not show her living with her husband.

The report also addresses conditions at removal centers, stressing that individuals under administrative detention must have continuous access to legal counsel, qualified interpretation, and basic humanitarian amenities to uphold international law.

BEING A REFUGEE WOMAN IN TURKEY

Refugee woman from Iran: Why is the man who raped me not arrested?

12 May 2022

Recommendations

The Immigrant and Refugee Solidarity Network called on legislators, local authorities, and civil society to shift migration policies away from security restrictions toward humanitarian assurance and mutual social cohesion.

The network urged officials to alleviate financial and bureaucratic obstacles to health and education, strengthen legal aid for vulnerable women and children, and ensure transparency in administrative detention procedures. (EMK/VK)

The incident occurred at around 7.00 am local time at a metal factory in the Gediz Organized Industrial Zone in Kütahya. An explosion in the melting furnace severely injured R.T., 42, who sustained burns on his body. Two other workers, Y.G., 40, and M.Y., 46, were affected by smoke.

R.T. was working in the immediate vicinity of the furnace during the explosion and was caught in the flames, according to reporting from Kütahya'nın Sesi. Firefighters rescued him and paramedics transported him by ambulance to Gediz State Hospital following initial medical treatment.

Doctors determined that he had sustained severe, advanced burns across his body. He was later transferred to the Kocaeli City Hospital Burn Center, a more advanced facility.

The worker remains in life-threatening condition.

The fire caused by the explosion was put off an hour of efforts by firefighters.

Authorities have opened an investigation into the incident.

At least 212 workers killed on the job in May

12 June 2026

(VK)

For the first four minutes, Murat Ekrem Çimen commentated as if the team wearing the white jersey was New Zealand and the dark one was Iran, when the opposite was true.

Toward the end of the fourth minute of the match, the cameras showed Iranian player Mehdi Taremi from behind with his name visible, after which the commentator corrected himself. He had been identifying players holding the ball likely based on their playing positions, even providing details such as their club teams, which were incorrect as he was referring to the wrong team.

The four-minute clip went viral on social media, drawing heavy criticism toward TRT.

Following the criticism, the broadcaster released a statement apologizing to the public and announcing that it was investigating the incident. The statement, which did not name the commentator, said he was suspended until the end of the World Cup:

“The necessary administrative and investigative processes regarding this error, which is inconsistent with TRT Sports’ decades-long broadcasting expertise, experience, and commitment to quality, have been immediately initiated. At the conclusion of the process, the necessary actions will be fully implemented.

“The relevant commentator has been withdrawn from the World Cup broadcast team in the US as part of the investigation process and will not continue with the tournament broadcasts.

“It is unacceptable for TRT that a figure with over 30 years of experience in sports broadcasting would make such a mistake.

“TRT does not tolerate any practices that violate broadcasting standards in national and international events reaching millions of viewers.”

Çimen is a veteran journalist with nearly three decades of experience in sports broadcasting. He previously served as the sports chief for Kanal A and has been commentating for TRT since 2008, covering numerous athletic events including football. (VK)

The incident occurred in the Siverek district of Urfa on Feb 22, 2024. Pınar Bulunmaz was shot and seriously injured following an argument while she was inside a vehicle with her husband, Rıdvan Bulunmaz. Although medical teams were called to the scene after the incident, Pınar Bulunmaz lost her life shortly after.

Following the investigation, a case was filed against the defendant, Rıdvan B., on charges of intentional murder at the Siverek Heavy Penal Court.

While the defendant was tried without detention for a some time during the trial, the court later issued an arrest warrant on the grounds that there was a risk of flight. He was subsequently arrested.

bianet is Monitoring Male Violence

13 December 2024

In the final hearing held on Mar 6, 2026, the court board sentenced Rıdvan B. to life imprisonment for the crime of intentional murder against a spouse. However, the court applied a good conduct reduction, taking into account the defendant's lack of a prior criminal record, his attitude during the hearings, and assessments regarding his future. This decision caused controversy both among the victim's family and the public.

Following the announcement of the verdict, both the lawyers for the family of Pınar Bulunmaz and the defense appealed the ruling to the Gaziantep Regional Administrative Court. The parties requested the reversal of the decision for different reasons regarding both the severity of the sentence and the applied good conduct reduction.

The Gaziantep Regional Administrative Court, which reviewed the case file, ruled that there was no unlawfulness in the decision rendered by the local court. The court evaluated and rejected the objections of both the defendant and the complainant sides separately. Thus, the life imprisonment sentence given by the Siverek Heavy Penal Court, along with the applied good conduct reduction, was upheld.

The appeals court also ruled for the continuation of the defendant's detention. With this decision, while the detention status of Rıdvan B. continues, the judgment given in the file was also finalized by a higher judicial authority.

'Reductions lead to impunity'

Pınar Bulunmaz's lawyer, Okan Altekin, evaluated the decision for bianet:

"Rejecting the objections of the defendant is positive, of course. I hope the Court of Cassation upholds this as well. We have objections.

"We can say that the applications of reducation for 'good conduct' and 'provocation' make the fight against impunity difficult. Applying a good conduct reduction to the defendant without showing any justification is unlawful. 

"This person misled the court from the very beginning, made contradictory statements, and said 'I did not beat my wife,' but many reports showed that he battered Pınar. Therefore, when we evaluate all of these, the application of a good conduct reduction is unlawful.

"This defendant should be given an aggravated life imprisonment sentence. Although the decision is incomplete in this aspect, it is positive that he received a sentence for a crime against a spouse."

(EMK/VK)

The incident unfolded when members of teachers' unions and the Interview Victims Platform, a group of teachers who were not appointed to public schools due to low oral interview scores despite their exam results, gathered in Kurtuluş Park in Çankaya to make a public statement. 

Police told the group that the statement would not be permitted and began dispersing the crowd. Officers used pepper spray and batons against the teachers and forced them out of the park.

Police dispersing the crown in Kurtuluş Park, video released by the Private Sector Teacher Union shows:

Kurtuluş Parkı’nda abluka altındaki öğretmenleri parça parça şiddet kullanarak gözaltına almaya başladılar.
Tüm kamuoyunu dayanışmaya çağırıyoruz! #ÖğretmenlerGözaltında pic.twitter.com/gWpJFCH0Qd

— Özel Sektör Öğretmenleri Sendikası (@ogretmensendika) June 15, 2026

Private Sector Teachers Union Chair Eren Edebali and Education and Science Workers’ Union (Eğitim Sen) Chair Kemal Irmak were among three individuals detained during the scuffle.

The crackdown followed a police blockade around the Enerji Otel, where some of the traveling teachers were staying. Officers prevented the educators from leaving the building and marching to the park.

The teachers staged a sit-in protest in response, where they criticized the government for failing to resolve their problems despite previous promises.

Hours later, they announced the start of a hunger strike that will continue until their demands are met.

Teacher staging a sit-in outside the hotel:

Kurtuluş parkındaki arkadaşlarımız saldırılarla gözaltına alınıyor.

Evimizde çorba kaynamıyor, her gün açız, buradaki herkes işsiz, ne istiyorsunuz bizden?

Devlet öğretmenlere söz verdi, tutmadı. Aldığımız sözlerin peşindeyiz. Ne yaparsanız yapın kazanmadan gitmeyeceğiz!… pic.twitter.com/krASTstIla

— Özel Sektör Öğretmenleri Sendikası (@ogretmensendika) June 15, 2026

Kadem Özbay, head of the Eğitim-İş teachers union, criticized the police response to the demonstration. "There has never been a period where teachers were devalued so much," he told reporters after the events.

The events followed similar demonstrations yesterday, where teachers protested with their families. A total of 41 people were detained during yesterday's police action and were released later in the evening.

Why teachers protest

Private school teachers in Turkey face deteriorating working conditions and systemic financial insecurity, leaving a significant gap between them and their public sector peers.

A primary driver of the current situation is the 2014 repeal of the base salary right, which guaranteed that private sector educators could not be paid less than public school teachers. Following its removal and proliferation of private schools across the country, issues such as low wages, under-the-table cash payments, and missing social security updates became widespread.

Unlike public sector educators, private school teachers lack job security due to mandatory fixed-term contracts, which often span only nine or 10 months. This system leaves many without income during the summer vacation and forces them to seek seasonal employment.

Summer is 'job-hunting season' rather than vacation for private school teachers

8 June 2026

Teachers also report routine exploitation, with weekly schedules exceeding 45 to 50 hours. This includes unpaid weekend work, individual student tutoring, and tasks outside their expertise.

Furthermore, educators report being frequently registered under non-teaching titles like office or cleaning staff to reduce employer severance liabilities, while the threat of contract non-renewal is used to deter labor organizing.

(VK)

Aristotelis Chantzis, who began his strike on February 5, 2026, is at serious risk of irreversible damage to vital organs and even death, and Suzon Doppagne, who began her hunger strike on May 1, 2026, has suffered from daily hypoglycemia episodes along with severe muscular pain, weakness and fatigue. Both hunger strikers hope that their efforts can save Europe’s largest residential squat from the Attica Region government’s eviction plans. 

Attica claims it wants to renovate the building and turn it into social housing, but residents believe this is merely an excuse to sell the building to commercial capital and end an effort that presents an alternative to capitalistic housing models. 

Chantzis and Doppagne are two of over 400 residents spread across the eight historic buildings that make up Prosfygika, which was declared a preserved historic monument in 2003 and 2008. These residents came together as a squatted community in 2012 and have taken it upon themselves to maintain the site, which they say would have been left to decay. 

Historical legacy

The building was initially built in the 1930s to house refugees from Asia minor following the Greco-Turkish War and subsequent population exchange. Originally located on the outskirts of the city, the complex would go on to become a stronghold for left-wing militants during the Greek Civil War and as the city expanded would find itself in the center of Athens years later. 

Prosfygika residents consider themselves the latest in the building’s left-wing legacy. For them, Prosfygika is a living monument of resistance, with an emphasis on living, rather than simply a historical landmark. 

It is also one of few options available for some vulnerable residents, who worry that the state’s plans could leave them on the streets. The residents are disproportionately migrants, refugees, LGBTI+ and leftist political exiles. Many of whom are Turkish and Kurdish, but range from 27 different nationalities total. 

For the state, Prosfygika is an eyesore on valuable real estate. Activists said the region government has repeatedly tried to sell the land to commercial capital, with the first efforts in the 1990s being to build a mall and parking lot. These previous efforts are part of why many residents remain unconvinced of both the state’s intentions and the proposal itself.  

One of these residents, who goes by Apo and chose not to give his full name for security purposes, is a political exile from Turkey who faced several charges over revolutionary, communist activity. He arrived in Prosfygika in 2015 with the intention of learning about the political philosophy of democratic confederalism underpinning the squatted community. He described his experience as an ongoing learning process, for both himself and the community. 

“As we were trying to build this process, we ourselves went through a learning process,” said Apo. “At the same time, we tried to connect what we were learning with our previous experiences — whether in Turkey or within the political structures we had been involved in … From our perspective, I think this has been a positive development.” 

Evangelia, another long-term resident who chose not to give her full name, originally met and began volunteering with the community in 2019 and started living there in 2023.  

“The houses here are also infrastructure of the community, shared sometimes with roommates so there is a collective program going on, which is the priority of everybody to cover according to the needs and [their] capabilities at the specific moment,” Evangelia said. 

“[There are] a lot of meetings during the day, a lot of discussions to solve the problems that exist because problems arise and they exist in daily life because it's a human situation, but the difference here is that there is the commitment to solve those issues and to transform [the situation],” she added. 

According to Evangelia, police have targeted the residents through raids, police brutality, arbitrary arrests and more, in an attempt to force residents off of the property. 

“From a political and sociological perspective, they see this place as a threat to their system, to their way of thinking,” said Apo. “They are disturbed by an autonomous, libertarian, self-sufficient system that they cannot control, perhaps even more than by [lost] economic gain. 

Alternative housing models

The proposed state-run social housing program would still remain incompatible with the vision of the squatted community because their structures function independent of the state. Residents work on the outside but have built lives on the inside that extend far beyond a place to sleep. 

Residents hold community meetings, share household duties and operate structures to meet basic needs and provide enrichment. This includes a bakery, library, de-facto clinic, women's center, dances classes, cinema, and a cafe. A “technical workers structure” internally attends to any electrical and plumbing issues. Children in the community are also provided with various workshops and activities.  

 In response to the Attica Region government’s plans, the residents have created their own revitalization and restoration proposal. In this plan, the restoration process would be carried out by the nonprofit civil company “Residents and Friends of Prosfygika Alexandras Avenue” created by the residents and funded from grassroots efforts instead of public funds. 

 Dr. Stavros Stavrides, professor emeritus at the School of Architecture of the National Technical University of Athens, is a supporter of the squatted community and is skeptical of the region government’s proposal. 

“I think this community has proven to be the most efficient and inclusive type of social housing efforts, so the fact that the administration of the region says that they have plans to create a social housing area there is just as crazy as it sounds” he said.  

Contrary to the claims of some government officials, Stavrides said the building is not in dangerous condition. He and some architects and civil engineering colleagues from the university observed that the building’s problems were not structural in nature, and thus easily treatable without eviction. 

This runs contrary to the claims of Attica Region Governor Nikos Hardalias who called the complex "severely neglected and extremely dangerous."

Stavrides added there are many vacant state-owned buildings across Athens that could have been used for social housing projects without evicting anyone.   

“The fact that they are saying that they are going to do this by attacking one of the few schemes of self-government, of course, not coming from the state, but one of the few schemes that actually supports the most vulnerable, in practice producing social housing and community, makes me think that they are not intending that [to create social housing] — I believe that their intention is to evict,” Stavrides said. 

This is not the state’s first attempt at shutting down the compound. According to Apo, forced eviction efforts have already happened four times throughout the years. 

‘We will not give up a single inch of ground’: Prosfygika’s resistance against eviction

16 April 2026

In an effort to stop the eviction, activists have held mass demonstrations, formed a legal defense team, demonstrated in front of legislatures and sent delegations to the European Parliament in Brussels. This is in addition to the current hunger strikes. 

Prosfygika hunger strikers and community are demanding an immediate cancellation of the contract by the Region of Attica, the ability for all residents of Prosfygika to remain in their homes and concrete guarantees that the restoration of Prosfygika will be self-financed and done through their non-profit civil law company with no public funds. 

Apo said that they are starting to receive support from a wider range of people in the community, many of which are also involved in other types of political causes. 

“For a small neighborhood like ours, with relatively few people, I think that being able, in such a short period of time, to create a synergy that brings together people from different social groups and different struggles is in itself quite remarkable,” he said.  

Solidarity protests have also spread across Europe. Activists held actions in front of Greek embassies and consulates in Germany, Austria, Serbia and England.     

“What is happening here is a part of the battle between the world of the community, the world of the resistance, the world of the society against the world of state capitalism and authority and we believe that we will win,” Evangelia said. (İK/VK)

Today, gunfire was heard at the scene above ground, the Independent Mine Workers Union (Bağımsız Maden İş) announced. No casualties were reported after the incident.

Three shots were fired while union members and resisting workers' families were at the scene, the union said, sharing videos of the incident: 

Özşen madencisine yapılan silahlı saldırıda, silah sesinin duyulduğu anları kamuoyu ile paylaşıyoruz.

Bu işten yakanızı kurtaramayacaksınız. Haklıyız, sonuna kadar mücadele edeceğiz.#KiremitçiyeHuzurYok pic.twitter.com/HTHGYYOlV1

— Bağımsız Maden İş (@bagimsizmadenis) June 14, 2026

Başaran Aksu, an executive of the union, said the shots were fired when the group began walking toward the company building. He called for the arrest of the assailants. 

Meanwhile, the union said Aksu was summoned to give a statement to the police following a complaint by Barış Kiremitçi, owner of the Özşen Madencilik company.

Miners' families protest near the company by striking helmets against the ground:

Zafere kadar daima!

Bugün önce madencilere, ailelerine ve sendika yöneticilerimize yönelik silahlı saldırı gerçekleşti. Ardından Bekir Kiremitçi’nin adamları madencilere ve ailelerine saldırdı.

Bilinsin ki biz ailelerimizle birlikte buradayız, direniyoruz.

Devlet kararını… pic.twitter.com/Jf8ypsqFft

— Bağımsız Maden İş (@bagimsizmadenis) June 14, 2026

The mining industry in Turkey has expanded significantly over the past few years as the government opened large areas to exploitation. This expansion has led to a rise in protests from both miners and local residents whose land is affected by the operations. Earlier this month, miners from Eskişehir concluded a protest over wages unpaid since April, which had culminated in a march to the capital city of Ankara.

Doruk Madencilik miners receive all unpaid dues after resuming protest

5 June 2026

The miners brought their protest underground on Jun 13, declaring that they confined themselves there "after we are left with no other choice."

"Today marks the 25th day of our resistance. For the past 24 days, we have tried every possible means to make our voices heard above ground. There has been no agreement or progress of any kind from any source.

"As of today, we have begun a hunger strike underground alongside our comrades. Let no one try to force us out; we are determined in this cause. We will either die or secure our rights. We will not leave until our rights are granted.

"Today, we declare this to all of Turkey from here: those responsible for this situation are the very people accountable for the miners' lives and safety underground.

"You cannot cut back on people's bread, their hard-earned wages, or their families. People here have reached a point where they cannot even go home out of shame."

MADENCİLER KENDİLERİNİ YERALTINA KAPATTI!

Özşen maden işçileri direnişin 25. gününde kendilerini yeraltına kapatarak açlık grevine başladı. "Haklarımız verilinceye kadar çıkmıyoruz."

Ya saygın bir uzlaşı ya da tavizsiz direniş!#KiremitçiyeHuzurYok pic.twitter.com/VA4zFWldFN

— Bağımsız Maden İş (@bagimsizmadenis) June 13, 2026

(VK)

Local residents noticed the drone pieces on the shore and reported the situation to the authorities. Gendarmerie teams, crime scene investigators, and bomb disposal experts were dispatched to the area to examine the device.

Initial inspections could not determine which country the drone belongs to. Gendarmerie secured the vehicle for safety purposes.

Following an upcoming examination by an expert team from Karabük, the drone will be sent to the capital of Ankara for detailed research and technical inspection.

Drones, a critical element of the Russia-Ukraine war, have previously affected Turkey.

At the end of last month, a Turkish cargo ship in the Black Sea was targeted in an unmanned aerial vehicle attack off the coast of the Ukrainian port of Odesa. Two Turkish citizens were slightly injured in that attack.

In December, another drone was downed after advancing to the borders of Ankara.

Turkey warns Russia, Ukraine over Black Sea drone incident

18 December 2025

(EMK/VK)

Here there are even neighbourhood chiefs, councillors and mayors who are known, back home people wouldn’t know them if they fell over them. And whilst on a national level some claim it is not a level playing field, turnouts of almost 100% are normal here. These are of course a direct result of independence and Atatürk’s insistence of the democratic process even with its flaws. 

Stop all the clocks they’re at it again! 

Just when I thought it was possible to do a nice article tracking democratic historical developments, with a few nice quotes and interesting facts, things are sent again to test us. The old leader of the main opposition party here, you know the one who is popular, decided to postpone the party parliamentary meeting –such meetings are important and televised here– as he wanted to attended the first year anniversary of his friend, a mayor who died in tragic circumstances. Are you following so far, as you may need a notebook and pen. Capitalizing on this tragic event, the new leader plans to wobble in Chaplinesque and lead the parliamentary meeting himself! I think you better sit down. However, he needs 43 MPs to attend and at the last count he had one man and his dog. So instead, wait for it, he writes to the speaker of the house if he can invite his friends instead, but doesn’t sign the card. So, the old leader looking and sounding like what the fuck next has decided he will lead the meeting. Like a poisoned boyband will they walk down the aisle together? It’s now 11.20. The meeting is due to start at 1.30pm. 

I finally turn to the news, the new leader has decided as there is nobody at the meeting who actually likes him, he will not attend. Crowds and MPs have been gathering since early morning in support of the old leader. Instead, he plans to have a group meeting in a few days time to be held in the parliamentary toilet. Stop all the clocks (again!!!) he is having a parliamentary meeting, but not in parliament (please can someone help me.) Instead, it will be at the party’s headquarters.

The men in black (old leaders’ team) looking dapper and with pride walked to the parliament through trees like a road to Damascus moment, thousands waited for them. He gave an impassioned speech. There was no going back, to get rid of  them they would have to root them out, root and branch. And they, the new pretenders, hardly had a sapling.

He took to the stage MPs and crowds outside shouting his name. Outside the party headquarters tumbleweed blew around the deserted building, like a Hollywood western. The old leader said to the crowd YOU have saved democracy. 

So, in the end maybe I have come full circle. The parliament is precious, democracy is precious and the party of the founder even more so now. 

As the screen fades, I am remined of Percy Shelley’s famous poetic words: 

Rise like Lions after slumber

In unvanquishable number—

Shake your chains to earth like dew

Which in sleep had fallen on you—

Ye are many—they are few.

The Mask of Anarchy 

Indeed indeed. 

(DM/VK)

The group recorded 155 deaths in January, 129 in February, 149 in March, and 190 in April. İSİG compiled 68% of the data from national media, while the remaining 32% came from colleagues, families, occupational safety experts, workplace physicians, unions, and local press.

Seven child workers were among those killed in May, according to the report, which highlighted child labor ahead of the Jun 12 World Day Against Child Labour. Four of the children worked in agriculture, one in commerce, one in construction, and one in the metal sector.

One vocational student killed

One child was working under the Vocational Education Center (MESEM) program, an initiative that has faced long-standing criticism for exploiting child labor. Mahir Buğra Karagön, a 15-year-old 10th-grade student in the MESEM food and beverage services department, was electrocuted on May 1 at a pastry shop where he worked as an intern in the İskenderun district of Hatay.

The report categorized his death as a consequence of child labor and the MESEM program. Karagön’s family stated that although he was supposed to attend school one day a week, he was forced to work constantly, leaving for the workplace early in the morning and returning late at night.

"This child is an intern, but he is being worked like a regular worker," the report stated, quoting the family.

The İSİG report emphasized that MESEM cannot be viewed merely as a poor education model, describing it instead as a mechanism financed by public resources to provide low-cost or free child labor to employers.

Survey: One in two vocational students suffer injuries while working

2 April 2026

Under the program, children are theoretically assigned to a schedule of one day at school and four days at a workplace. However, the report noted that in practice, children work five to six days a week for 10 to 12 hours a day. The wages paid to these children range between one-third and one-half of the minimum wage, and these payments are covered by the Unemployment Insurance Fund.

The organization warned that children are being drawn into the workforce at an early age under the guise of vocational training, adding that recent steps to expand the MESEM program to the middle school level have effectively lowered the age of entry into the workforce to 10 or 11. (HA/VK)

Simultaneous to the raids, financial crimes police carried out a search in the municipal hall.

The operation is part of an ongoing crackdown based on corruption allegations targeting the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), which began in March last year. Along with hundreds of municipal officials and employees, more than 30 CHP mayors have been dismissed and detained under this crackdown, including mayors of major cities such as İstanbul, Bursa, Adana, and Antalya.

Thirty-one opposition mayors removed from office since 2024 elections

2 April 2026

The CHP still maintains control in most of these municipalities despite the dismissals, as acting mayors are elected by municipal councils where the party holds a majority.

The opposition party alleges that these operations are politically motivated, stemming from the victory it achieved against the ruling bloc in the 2024 local elections. The government maintains that the process is judicial.

Suspended Adana mayor released after first hearing of corruption case

6 February 2026

(EMK/VK)

Businessman Samvel Karapetyan’s Strong Armenia Alliance obtained 23.29 percent of the vote, followed by former President Robert Kocharyan’s Armenia Alliance at 9.94 percent, and the Prosperous Armenia Party at 4 percent.

Congratulating the people of Armenia on the election results, Pashinyan said, “With their vote, the people of Armenia protected the state, protected independence, protected the future, protected peace, and protected the Republic of Armenia. The tripartite party of war has suffered a heavy defeat. The people clearly demonstrated their will that the tripartite party of war and its associated criminal-oligarchic system must be eradicated from Armenia.”

Journalist Vartan Estukyan a member of Turkey's Armenian community, evaluated the Armenian society’s choice to re-elect Pashinyan, despite the territorial losses and military defeat in the Karabakh process, as a decision made in favor of peace and normalization.

According to Estukyan, Pashinyan also used the conditions created by the war economy to his advantage. He transformed into a stronger political figure domestically by moving away from Russia and turning toward the European Union and the US.

Did his approach to domestic policy, in addition to his stance on foreign policy, play a decisive role in the election outcome? During the election campaign, we also witnessed protests against Pashinyan, and objections regarding Karabakh were at the center of those protests. There were also numerous detentions and arrests during that same period. Was there a connection between the protests and the church?

Yes, one of the most significant challenges Pashinyan faces in domestic politics is his relationship with the church. Tensions between the government and the Armenian Apostolic Church became particularly visible in the post-Karabakh period. In Armenia, the church stands out as a powerful political and social actor due to its influence on society. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the resurgence of religious identity in Armenia has amplified the church’s social influence.

The current tension between Pashinyan and the church, however, has garnered more limited social support compared to the Sarkisyan era. For this reason, I believe the political impact of the conflict between the government and the church remains a subject of debate. The protests you mentioned were more limited and fragmented rather than a mass movement. But of course, this does not mean the opposition sphere is entirely weak. The church’s indirect influence has created an environment where criticism of the government can be expressed more freely. Objectively speaking, the tension between the church and the government continues intensely, and in my view, both sides occasionally strike at each other from highly unethical angles. Given this ongoing, mutually hostile rhetoric that never loses its intensity, achieving a lasting reconciliation seems difficult.

From an economic perspective, Armenia is in a more vulnerable position compared to Turkey and Azerbaijan. For this reason, a significant portion of society believes that dialogue and normalization could yield economic benefits through a pragmatic approach. But of course, there are serious concerns within society as well, and some of these anxieties are entirely understandable.

MASİS KÜRKÇÜGİL ON TURKEY-ARMENIA RAPPROACHMENT

'Armenia is looking for ways to breathe'

16 May 2026

Anti-Russian sentiment among Armenians

Due to his stance on both domestic and foreign policy, Pashinyan’s third term is viewed as a critical threshold. How do you assess this?

If he continues in office without incident, Pashinyan’s total time in political office will reach 12 years. This will naturally bring discussions of “authoritarianism” in the coming years. However, Armenia is seeking a multifaceted balance in foreign policy. While there is a continuing trend of distancing from Russia, it is also striving to strengthen its relations with the EU and the US. The warming of relations with France and the meetings with Macron are also part of this process. Of course, the strong Armenian diaspora in France plays a significant role in this relationship. We are talking about an Armenian population of over 500,000 in France. Consequently, the Armenian issue represents a significant voting bloc for Macron. In this context, they have also signed a military cooperation agreement with Armenia.

On the Trump front, however, the picture is more uncertain. Due to the unpredictable nature of U.S. politics and Trump’s approach, there is not yet a solid foundation of trust for Armenia. For this reason, I am among those who believe Yerevan is “investing” more in the EU than in the U.S. I also observe and read that this trend is gaining traction within society.

One of Pashinyan’s strongest areas is his anti-Russian stance. This position, combined with public backlash stemming from oligarchic structures and economic ties with Russia, generates significant political resonance. The failure of Russia to provide the expected support during the Karabakh process further reinforced this shift. During this period, Armenia consciously chose to establish a new foreign policy direction. Although this choice entailed both military and political costs, it found a certain resonance within society as conflicts subsided.

As of today, there is a stronger public sentiment on both the Armenian and Azerbaijani sides in favor of opening borders and normalizing relations. The normalization of relations with Turkey, however, is a topic that is generally viewed more positively in both societies. The increasing number of visits from Turkey to Armenia and, for example, the flow of journalists for election coverage are among the indicators of this change.

Turkey, Armenia set to resume direct trade

13 May 2026

'Armenia is no longer alone'

How will Pashinyan maintain his stance in the peace and normalization processes with both Azerbaijan and Turkey during his new term?

As we mentioned earlier, Armenia’s foreign policy orientation has increasingly shifted toward distancing itself from Russia, developing relations with the EU and the West, and normalizing ties with Turkey. Pashinyan is, of course, inclined to continue along this path. However, the process is more complex when it comes to final agreements and critical issues such as constitutional amendments. Azerbaijan also has certain demands in this regard. Based on the results, Pashinyan does not have the majority in parliament to push through constitutional amendments on his own. Therefore, while he has the capacity to form a cabinet and government, he must reach an agreement with the rivals he ran against in the election and secure their support for structural reforms.

The agenda of opening borders with Turkey and resuming trade is also one of the most concrete indicators of this new era. The opening of border crossings, contacts between businesspeople and chambers of commerce, and the commencement of direct flights, in my view, indicate that the process has reached a point of no return. Indeed, when we look at it, relations along the Armenia-Turkey-Azerbaijan axis are increasingly shaped by economic interests and regional pragmatism. I say this partly because the fact that the government in Turkey has remained unchanged for a long time is also reflected in election promises in Armenia. During the election campaign, nearly all opposition parties and coalitions in Armenia pledged that the dialogue initiated with Turkey and Azerbaijan would continue. This is actually a rather critical point. Because even if the government changes, we have seen that the normalization process initiated by Pashinyan will continue. Even if opposition figures like Robert Kocharyan or Samvel Karapetyan come to power, a political framework has been established indicating that this relationship will not be completely severed. At least, that was the tone of the campaign rhetoric. This situation could strengthen Pashinyan’s hand regarding a potential constitutional amendment process. Still, the decisive factors will be how much Azerbaijan is willing to concede and on which points an agreement can be reached.

Turkey, Armenia agree to restore historic Ani Bridge

4 May 2026

Why do you think Azerbaijan will make concessions?

Because Armenia is no longer isolated as it was during the Karabakh process; it has strengthened its ties with the EU and the US. This enhances its negotiating power.

What can you say about Armenia’s current demographic structure, economic situation, and the socio-political atmosphere within the country?

The issues you mentioned are highly contentious for Armenia. In recent times, Armenia’s situation has changed significantly. The influx of a large number of Russian citizens into Armenia following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has transformed the country. Unlike Georgia, Russian is still widely spoken in Armenia, making the country more attractive to Russians. This migration, on the one hand, revitalized the economy, particularly expanding the IT and software sectors; but on the other hand, it drove up housing prices, creating a serious housing crisis. Despite this, an unexpected development emerged even during the war: the Armenian dram appreciated against the dollar. In other words, Pashinyan even leveraged the war economy to his advantage and emerged as a stronger figure domestically. It was not just diplomacy but this economic transformation that strengthened his position. As a result, at this point, Armenia is no longer in a position to be viewed as a “weak country.”

I think one of the topics we need to address when discussing Pashinyan is his social media presence. Amid all these serious political issues and crises, we suddenly come across videos of him dealing with heartbreak. How do you assess this communication style? What kind of leader do you think Pashinyan is?

Pashinyan’s leadership style is entirely built on visibility. He’s active on social media, communicates directly with young people, rides a bike to work, eats on the bus, listens to alternative music, plays music himself, and portrays a “one of us” image. This is, of course, a deliberate image management strategy, and it works to a large extent. Let’s recall that when he came to power through the Velvet Revolution, his biggest supporters were young people, and a large portion of his cabinet was made up of young people.

But Armenians don’t always laugh at these videos as much as we do. Without getting into sharp criticism, what I mean is: Amid economic hardships and political tensions, this “one of the people” image isn’t convincing for everyone. For example, one of his close associates, the Mayor of Yerevan—who is also an actor—began “mocking” Pashinyan’s videos after parting ways with Pashinyan and his party. He created a parody of Pashinyan and is now posting these counter-videos on his YouTube channel.

Armenian Patriarch: Neither denial nor obsessive hostility heals wounds

24 April 2026

The rapproachment and Hrant Dink’s contribution

Finally, as an Armenian from Turkey, I’m curious to know how you assess the rapproachment process.

Azerbaijan may be more limited; but the normalization of relations with Turkey is a process that has been met with considerable positivity in both Armenia and Turkey. Recently, there have been many people traveling from Turkey to Armenia, and the majority of their experiences have been positive. If you recall, in some vlogs filmed on YouTube two years ago, prejudices like “I faced a reaction when I said I was Turkish” were prominent. At that time, a one-sided perception based on preconceptions was dominant. With the opening of borders on the agenda, the process has now begun to take concrete shape. For example, last week businesspeople arrived in Kars by land. While these visits may be portrayed in some places as “strange” or unexpected developments, they are actually the first steps of the new era. The large meeting held in Kars was attended not only by representatives from Kars but also by chamber of commerce representatives from neighboring cities like Erzurum and Iğdır.

The project to repair the Ani Bridge is also one of the most symbolic aspects of this process. Pashinyan’s visit to Turkey after many years was also recorded as one of the symbolic steps toward normalization. Once the borders open, not only will trade resume, but the long-standing economic embargo will also largely be lifted. While the process is often discussed in terms of the Armenian economy, it is clear that the Turkish economy also has a certain need for this opening. Therefore, this process is not merely a relationship of “aid” or “one-sided gain,” but a structure shaped by mutual economic interests.

Actually, when I speak with Armenians older than you, I notice that they haven’t fully embraced the rapproachment, and the feeling that “it might not work out this time either” is more prevalent. There’s a widespread belief that the same rhetoric has been repeated for 30 years, yet in practice, very little has changed. What are your thoughts on this?

The generations before us experienced all the ups and downs and the ugliness of this process firsthand. They come from a longer historical experience and have faced more disappointment. That’s why they hold a slower, more cautious optimism. We need to understand this attitude. I, on the other hand, see the present. I know what happened 30 years ago only through reading and watching—I didn’t live through it. Therefore, from my perspective, I am more inclined to believe in the possibility of change. The protocols signed in recent times, the contacts established, and the diplomatic channels opened also reinforce this feeling.

Turkey today is not the same as it was 30 years ago, and Armenia has also changed significantly. Moreover, today’s Armenian Prime Minister is pursuing a course directly aimed at normalization and is taking serious political risks to achieve it. In contrast, the international balance of power has also shifted. While all these factors reduce the likelihood of a reversal in the process, of course, everything we’ve discussed is part of the states’ policies. Politics, by its very nature, is a field that can change very quickly. What seems possible today may become impossible tomorrow. We see this most clearly in domestic politics here. While we were discussing entirely different things regarding Kurdish politics just yesterday, today we are once again debating the peace process.

At this point, it is important to remember Hrant Dink. Because he was one of the most important representatives of the generation from 30 years ago. His generation adopted a much more cautious and prudent stance compared to today’s. Dink’s writings, his words, and the language he cultivated laid an important foundation for where we stand today. Perhaps he wasn’t the sole determining factor; but he made a critically important contribution to the reconciliation of the two peoples. Especially from the perspective of the Turkish public, his influence was very evident in softening perceptions regarding Armenia. His writings and the language of engagement he established became one of the elements that prepared the social groundwork for the normalization process we see today. There was a corresponding response on the Armenian side as well; however, the impact he created in Turkey was more visible and decisive. The imprint he left is still felt in the formation of a more comfortable ground for dialogue between the two countries today. (TY/VK)

The state-owned Turkish Coal Operations (TKİ) received an initial payment of 48.6 million liras (~1.04 million US dollars) from Soma Kartal Kömür İşletmeleri AŞ, the buying company, for the transaction.

The Yeni Anadolu AŞ company, where the TKİ is a majority stakeholder, was operating the mine under a royalty contract. The company's board stated that the legal rights of the dismissed workers will be paid in full, and all entitlements will be paid in a single cash installment at the end of the mediation meetings.

Doruk Madencilik miners receive all unpaid dues after resuming protest

5 June 2026

The authorized union at the mine, the Mine Workers Union of Turkey (Türkiye Maden-İş), affiliated with the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (Türk-İş), has not yet issued a statement regarding the layoffs. 

During the privatization process in 2026, the union had stated that they would defend the jobs, livelihoods, and social rights of the workers, and that they would take action in case of any grievance. (AEK/VK)

The account, which has over 400,000 followers, was blocked after a request by the Family and Social Services Ministry, journalist İsmail Saymaz reported. Virtually every state institution in Turkey has the authority issue blocking orders for specific URLs.

Users attempting to visit Gezgin's profile in Turkey are now met with a warning from the platform, which says, "The account is unavailable in Turkey. This is because we have complied with a legal request from the ICTA (BTK) to restrict this content."

Gezgin was previously arrested by a court on Feb 4, on allegations of "facilitating the use of narcotics" and "encouraging, procuring, or providing a venue for prostitution."

She was kept in pretrial detention for months before being released on Jun 4. (TY/VK)

She made the allegations during her defense at the latest hearing of the ongoing case on Jun 9. After being detained and brought to the İstanbul Security Directorate, a police officer first ordered her to take off her clothes, demanded she remove her underwear, and gave her instructions like "open your genitals" and "turn around, bend over," Türker stated.

"If anyone is embarrassed, they can leave, I am not embarrassed to talk about what I lived through," Türker said in the courtroom. "It feels like this is done to break people's honor and pride. Let those who did it be embarrassed, I am not embarrassed."

REPORT

‘Prisoners still subjected to strip search in Turkey’s prisons’

5 August 2021

Criticism from rights groups

Following Türker's statement, political parties and women's rights organizations criticized the practice.

"Strip search is a form of torture and ill-treatment clearly prohibited under the United Nations and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Women's bodies, motherhood, and children cannot be used as tools of coercion under any circumstances," the Federation of Women's Associations of Turkey said in a statement.

The statement also supported Türker's words, adding, "Those who should be embarrassed are those who put these practices into effect. An independent and effective investigation must be launched immediately."

The İstanbul Bar Association Women's Rights Center also released a statement, noting that practices aimed at establishing control over women's bodies and silencing them are unacceptable. "Strip search is a sexual torture; the prohibition of torture and ill-treatment is absolute," it said.

Halide Türkoğlu, spokesperson for the Women's Assembly of the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, argued that such practices are not isolated. She stated that many women and youth have previously described undergoing similar treatment during detention and interrogation processes.

"Saying 'there is no such practice' without conducting any effective investigation means nothing other than covering up crimes committed against women. We do not accept any practice that disregards the statements of women and targets their bodies for security reasons," Türkoğlu said.

Children detained over Rojava protests subjected to strip searches, complaint reveals

19 February 2026

The Human Rights Foundation of Turkey and the Human Rights Association issued a joint statement. "Strip search and forced stripping, which cannot be justified merely as a 'security procedure,' are methods of torture that violate personal privacy, target moral values and social identity, harm psychological integrity, and amount to sexual violence," the organizations said.

The Women's Platform for Equality also made a statement, saying, "We reject this inhumane practice that humiliates women, traumatizes them, and attempts to normalize rights violations."

Statement from EU rapporteur

Nacho Sánchez Amor, the European Union (EU) rapporteur on Turkey, expressed his criticism in a statement on social media.

"I’m deeply moved by the case of Fatoş Pınar Türker, one defendant in the farcical [İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality case] designed to politically destroy Ekrem İmamoğlu. . I’m equally horrified by the thought of how many other women, unknown to the public, may have endured a similar horrible experience.

“She embodies the #Türkiye I admire and love: independent, courageous, and self-made. A mother of two with a brilliant career, she stood before the court and defended herself with impressive dignity and resolve, despite having lost already 15 months of her life to this ordeal.

“On the other side is the #Türkiye I detest: the one represented by those who abuse power to humiliate and cruelly mistreat innocent people. People like the unnamed prosecutor -an Akın Gürlek's lackey- who sank to the disgraceful act of using Fatoş’s daughters to threaten her.”

Turkey amends prison regulation, replacing 'strip search' with 'detailed search'

12 November 2021

İstanbul police deny wrongdoing

The İstanbul Security Directorate issued a statement after the allegations, saying there was no illegal action during Türker's detention.

"A statement has been deemed necessary by the İstanbul Security Directorate to accurately inform the public regarding the unfounded allegations appearing in some media organs and social media platforms.

“The posts in question include the statements of Fatoş Pınar Türker, the (arrested) General Manager of the İBB subsidiary Medya A.Ş., regarding the practices she claimed to have been subjected to during her detention at the İstanbul Security Directorate.

“All apprehension, detention, body search, and judicial proceedings carried out within the İstanbul Security Directorate are conducted within the framework of the Constitution, relevant legislative provisions, human rights principles, and procedures open to judicial review. Maximum sensitivity is shown for the protection of the fundamental rights and freedoms of detained individuals, and all procedures are fulfilled in line with legal legislation.

“In the case in question, there was no practice contrary to the legislation during the procedures carried out throughout the person's detention period, and the allegations do not reflect the truth.”

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek left questions from journalists regarding the issue unanswered. Responding to questions during his departure from the ministry building by saying "We have a meeting," Gürlek walked away without making a statement.

Turkey’s Constitutional Court says strip search is ‘ill treatment’

5 January 2021

(VK)

The volume of plastic waste coming to Turkey from the 27 EU member states has increased 435-fold since 2004, according to the policy brief titled "The Truth Behind the Rhetoric: The Invisible Face of Turkey's Zero Waste Policy," released ahead of the Zero Waste Forum.

The report highlights a contradiction in national policy, as zero waste remains a main agenda item for Turkey during its hosting process for the 31st United Nations Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP31). Turkey aims to highlight the theme of zero waste by adding it to the action agenda of the summit, which will be held in Antalya in November 2026.

Turkey's plastic waste imports: 'Chemicals are mixed into the food chain'

11 February 2022

Gap between rhetoric and reality

Berk Butan, the social and economic systems campaign lead for Greenpeace Turkey, said that the brief is a call for leadership rather than a rejection. He noted that hosting COP31 presents a "historic opportunity" for Turkey to move zero waste from rhetoric to actual policy transformation.

"Turkey became the largest destination for the EU's plastic garbage in 2025, the country's seas and coasts are being contaminated with microplastics, and EIA processes for new petrochemical complexes are being completed," Butan said. "This gap between the rhetoric and the reality on the ground appears before us as a policy choice, a structural framing problem. We have a significant opportunity for policy change before us.

Journalists investigating Türkiye's plastic waste imports 'threatened with gun'

11 August 2022

"Turkey, which will host COP31 in November 2026, aims to stand out by adding the zero waste theme to the action agenda of the summit. This is a historic moment where Turkey can show leadership and, by going beyond the narrative, initiate the changes that will make a real zero waste goal possible.

"Because a real zero waste goal is not possible by throwing plastic into a recycling bin or taking someone else's plastic waste, but by succeeding in not producing it at the source. The way to reach this goal begins with preventing waste imports, and in production decisions, investment choices, and the stance at the international negotiation table."

PLASTIC WASTE POLLUTION

Imported plastic waste sites in Adana still not cleaned despite promises by companies

25 May 2022

Demand for a ban on waste exports

Greenpeace Turkey launched the "Real Zero Waste" campaign to address these contradictions. The organization called on the Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change Ministry, the Trade Ministry, and Turkey's COP31 negotiation delegation to implement a permanent ban on plastic and textile waste imports without exception.

The campaign also demands an immediate suspension of new petrochemical investments, the declaration of a sectoral moratorium, and the integration of binding targets to reduce plastic production at the source into national climate change action plans. Additionally, it urges Turkey to advocate for strict limits on plastic production during the UN Global Plastics Treaty negotiations.

Plastic waste imported from Europe poisoning Turkey's soil, shows Greenpeace analysis

10 February 2022

Recycling figures 'misleading'

The policy brief argues that current official figures are misleading because the national zero waste movement presents recycling rates as the primary indicator of success. However, the global plastic recycling rate stands at only around 9%, which remains ineffective against a global plastic production of over 400 million tons per year.

The organization stated that waste management that does not limit production at the source is no different from holding a bucket under an open faucet. (TY/VK)

"Living a life of dignity, free from discrimination and violence, is a fundamental right for children, LGBTI+s, women, and all of us," the organizations stated. A summary of the statement:

The anti-LGBTI+ regulations planned to be introduced in the 10th Judicial Package in May 2025 and the 11th Judicial Package in Oct 2024, along with amendments to increase penalties for children driven into crime, were removed from the packages as a result of intense public backlash. According to information reflected in the press last week, regulations concerning LGBTI+s and children will once again be included in the draft of the 12th Judicial Package prepared by the Justice Ministry. Additionally, this package will include identity verification for social media use and regulations on divorce and alimony following the Constitutional Court's annulment decision that limited poverty alimony.

The attempt to pass regulations affecting the lives, rights, and existence of millions under the title of "judicial reform" through the omnibus law system and leaked texts demonstrates once again the extent to which democratic participation is blocked. While the 12th Judicial Package targets the rights of women, LGBTI+s, and children in particular, it institutionalizes digital surveillance pressure on the entire society. Although we do not have access to the draft proposal, which is stated to envision amendments to 19 separate laws, the following regulations threaten fundamental rights and freedoms according to information reflected in the press:

Regulations aimed at deterrence regarding children driven into crime are being aggravated.

The identity of LGBTI+s and their freedom of expression and association are criminalized through concepts such as "contrariness to innate biological sex and public morality." While the age to start the gender affirmation process is raised to 25, transgender people who have children are not allowed to start the process.

Immediately following the Constitutional Court decision targeting women's acquired right to alimony, a time limit is introduced for poverty alimony.

An identity verification obligation for accessing social media is introduced for everyone in Turkey.

Today, we call on all civil society and human rights organizations to raise their voices together against these regulations to become even more crowded against the 12th Judicial Package, which attempts to besiege our lives. We know from past experiences that as long as we defend our lives, our rights, and our struggle for human rights and equality, we can prevent the worsening legal regulations brought before us as a continuous threat.

We, the undersigned civil society and human rights organizations, reiterate our opposition to these regulations that threaten our fundamental rights and freedoms. Living a dignified life free from discrimination and violence is a fundamental right of children, LGBTI+s, women, and all of us.

We call on all members of parliament not to make legal changes that threaten the whole of society, and specifically LGBTI+s, women, and children, and to commit publicly to acting in accordance with Turkey's constitution, which guarantees freedom of expression and the prohibition of discrimination and equality, as well as its international human rights obligations. If these and similar proposals are officially submitted for a vote, we call on all members of parliament to resolutely reject them. As signatory organizations, we are determined to defend a life worthy of human dignity for everyone. We stand side by side against the 12th Judicial Package, we are strong together!

(TY/VK)

The student, identified with the initials D.K., was involved in the protest against the Syrian interim government forces' attacks on the then-Kurdish-controlled parts of the country. 

He was initially described in the media as the person who lowered the Turkish flag in the border area but faced no charges in the court proceedings.

D.K. attended the hearing at the Mardin 2nd Heavy Penal Court via video link from Sincan Prison in Ankara, while his lawyer Rıdvan Kurt was present in the courtroom.

During the hearing, D.K. rejected the charges and described the torture he underwent. Stating that he filed a complaint against those who tortured him, D.K. requested his release.

His lawyer Kurt also requested his release, stating that the legal elements of the alleged crimes had not been established.

Announcing its interim decision, the court ruled for the release of D.K. under judicial control measures, including a ban on traveling abroad and an obligation to sign in at a police station.

The next hearing will be held on Sep 29.

'No questions asked about the flag'

Speaking to bianet by phone, Kurt said, "His health condition is better now compared to the first day. He attended the hearing via video link from the prison in Ankara."

Reminding that an indictment was prepared against D.K. on three charges, Kurt added, "Membership in an armed terrorist organization, making propaganda for an organization, and entering a military forbidden zone. As a result of the trial held today, his release was decided with judicial control measures in the form of a ban on traveling abroad and signing in.

"No questions were directed to him regarding the flag, neither in the indictment, nor during the investigation or prosecution phases. There is no evidence or camera footage regarding the flag either. Such a situation is out of the question for my client. He already rejected this matter in a precise language. No questions were asked to him on this issue either."

(VC/VK)

The İstanbul 25th Heavy Penal Court  court sentenced Alayumat to one year and three months in prison for "making propaganda for a terrorist organization," but suspended the execution of the sentence. The journalists did not attend the hearing, where their defense lawyers were present.

During the hearing, the defense lawyers argued against the opinion on the merits presented by the prosecutor in the previous session, who had demanded convictions for all three journalists. Alayumat’s lawyer, Hazal Sürmeli, stated that her client is a journalist and the evidence in the case file consists entirely of news reports, which must be evaluated within the scope of freedom of expression.

Sürmeli added that MA, where Alayumat works, is an official organization. "The Constitutional Court, in a decision directly regarding Mezopotamya Ajansı, stated that 'the views of the publishing institution do not bind its employee.' Therefore, my client cannot be held responsible for the editorial policy of the institution he works for," Sürmeli said, demanding his acquittal.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

Lawyers Ayşe Özdemir and Habat Demircan also delivered separate defense statements for Dal and Aslan. The lawyers argued that the criteria established by the Court of Cassation for the crime of membership, such as continuity, diversity, intensity, inclusion in the hierarchical structure of an organization, and an organic bond, were not present.

"All news reports made are within the scope of press and expression freedom," Özdemir said. "The elements of organizational membership have not been formed. We demand acquittal."

Demircan also requested an acquittal, stating that there was no concrete or conclusive evidence regarding membership. "The scope of the file is entirely journalistic activity," Demircan said.

Journalist Erdoğan Alayumat strip-searched in police custody

27 November 2024

Background

The case originated from an İstanbul-based investigation during which police detained the three journalists on Apr 23, 2024, in house raids. They were held in custody for three days and formally arrested on charges of "membership in a terrorist organization."

Prosecutors indicted the journalists on May 8, 2024,  based the charges on press conferences the journalists monitored, the news articles they wrote, their communications with news sources, and their social media posts. The indictment included links to 65 articles by Dal, 41 by Aslan, and 20 by Alayumat.

The İstanbul 25th Heavy Penal Court ordered their release on the same day the indictment was completed, imposing an international travel ban and a house arrest. The prosecutor had requested their conviction on membership charges during a previous hearing on Apr 7. (HA/VK)

Uğur Polat, an İstanbul representative for the Private Sector Teachers Union and a philosophy teacher, and Evin Turgut, a union board member and English teacher, spoke about this transition period.

"For us, it is not a vacation, but a job-hunting season," Polat said, adding that a new period of anxiety begins for private school teachers when schools close. "We are like seasonal workers. They find work in the winter and work in the summer, while we find work in the summer and work in the winter."

Polat, who has been in the profession for five years, said he started working in the private sector because employment opportunities in the public sector are shrinking and appointments are limited. However, he added, private school teaching involves much more than just delivering lessons.

Unseen work

Duties during breaks, student tracking, parent expectations, and activities and reports aimed at increasing the visibility of the institution extend the working hours of teachers. According to Polat, the professional responsibility of a teacher does not change between the public and private sectors, but working conditions in the private sector devalue the educator.

"We teach to provide academic, scientific, and ethical education," Polat said. "Education is a public sphere, and the fact that we work in the private sector does not remove its public nature."

Teaching Marx while experiencing alienation

The biggest challenge for teachers in the private sector is the lack of job security according to Polat. He noted that the effort a teacher puts into the classroom is affected when they are constantly worrying about whether they will have a job next year or how to make ends meet at the end of the month.

"I do not think there is time left to actually practice teaching when we are constantly thinking about what we will do next year and questioning how we will make ends meet," Polat said. "The teacher is devalued here, and the students are also being wronged."

This anxiety affects both the content of the lessons and the relationships teachers build with students. Polat said that while teaching about labor exploitation in his philosophy class, he cannot openly express the exploitation he experiences himself.

"While I am teaching Marx to the student, surplus value and alienation from my own labor are spinning around inside my head," Polat said. "But I cannot tell the children what I am experiencing myself because we face the constant risk of being reported."

Unpaid individual lessons

Evin Turgut, an English teacher who has worked in the private sector for six years, described a similar situation. Turgut said she started teaching immediately after graduation. She took the Public Personnel Selection Examination once but was not appointed. She continues to work in the private sector due to the low number of public appointments and financial necessity.

According to Turgut, the weekly working hours of private school teachers often exceed 45 to 50 hours. This time does not consist only of course loads. Duties, study hours, weekend work, event preparations, and teaching courses outside the teacher's expertise also become part of this schedule.

"We have course loads exceeding 45 to 50 hours a week," Turgut said. "We hold duties at least two days a week, and we often work on weekends. Even if our classes end during the day, we give individual study sessions to students, and we do not receive any additional fees for any of this."

English teacher attends English yoga classes

Despite being an English teacher, Turgut said she also teaches English science, mathematics, and life studies. She noted that she previously had to teach English yoga, pilates, and dance classes as well.

Turgut stated that one of the most fundamental problems for private school teachers is fixed-term contracts. She indicated that these contracts have turned into a tool of pressure that deters teachers from seeking their rights.

"Because we work under fixed-term contracts, we can find ourselves out the door at the slightest objection or pursuit of our rights," Turgut said.

Another issue is wage insecurity, which worsened after the removal of the base salary right. According to Turgut, private school teachers faced practices such as low wages, missing insurance updates, and under-the-table cash payments following this regulation.

Turgut explained that some teachers are forced to work for minimum wage or even below it, while others are registered under different titles such as office staff, cleaning staff, or canteen managers instead of teachers.

"To avoid paying severance, employers either force us to sign resignation letters or terminate our employment toward the end of the academic year," Turgut said. "Our salaries and insurance are usually deposited based on the minimum wage, and the remaining part is paid in cash under the table."

Contracts don't cover summer months

Therefore, Jun 26 is not just the closing day of the educational calendar for private school teachers, but also the beginning of a new period of uncertainty. Many teachers work on nine- or 10-month contracts and spend the summer months looking for new jobs and additional income, rather than treating it as a paid vacation or rest period.

Turgut views the summer months similarly to Polat, seeing it as a period where financial difficulties increase rather than a vacation.

"Since we generally work on nine- or 10-month contracts, we have to work in different jobs during the summer months," Turgut said. "Because of this, we feel more like seasonal workers than teachers."

The demands of private school teachers are not limited to wage increases. The reinstatement of the base salary right, ensuring job security through indefinite-term employment contracts, achieving equal personal rights with public sector teachers, and being removed from industry branch No. 10 are among the most urgent demands.

The demand to be removed from industry branch No. 10 means that private school teachers want to be evaluated in an industry branch specific to the field of education, rather than in a broad omnibus category that includes trade, office, education, and fine arts together. This would allow them to effectively utilize their rights to collective bargaining and striking. (NÖ/VK)

The investigation follows a backlash over a joke he told about Kurdish women during a Jun 5 opening ceremony. A video widely circulated on social media showed the 95-year-old saying, "Doctor told a Kurdish woman to undress and she responded, 'You undress first, doctor'."

Those surrounding Koç were seen laughing at the joke, including Binali Yıldırım, a senior figure in the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the last prime minister of Turkey.

🔴 Rahmi Koç’un Kürt kadınlarıyla ilgili sözleri tepki çekti.

🔻İş insanı Rahmi Koç’un İzmir’de bir hastane açılışında ‘Kürt kadınlarına’ ilişkin sarf ettiği sözlere tepki yağdı

👉 Rahmi Koç tepkiler üzerine özür mesajı yayınladı. pic.twitter.com/p0LAeAxk5Z

— bianet (@bianet_org) June 6, 2026

Protests

The footage sparked a backlash on social media, with the hashtag "Rahmi Koç apologize" trending online.

Tuncer Bakırhan, co-chair of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, also called on Koç to issue an apology.

"I condemn Rahmi Koç’s racist discourse that humiliates Kurdish women," Bakırhan said. "This language is unacceptable. Women's bodies, identities, and dignity are not the subject of jokes. No status, no privilege can humiliate Kurdish women. We do not accept this approach and expect an explicit apology."

As a protest, the slogan "Jin, jiyan, azadi," which means "Woman, life, freedom" in Kurdish, was projected under the Fatih Sultan Mehmet Bridge near a Koç family mansion on the İstanbul Strait.

The next day, the İzmir Chief Public Prosecutor's Office launched an ex-officio investigation for "degrading a segment of the public" due to "expressions deemed to target women and citizens of a specific ethnic identity."

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek also commented on the incident on social media, saying, "The scales of justice do not weigh according to anyone's wealth, title, or status; the judiciary always protects human dignity and the law.

Expressions that damage the dignity of women, hurt their pride, and are incompatible with our social sensitivities are never acceptable, no matter who says them."

Minutes after the minister's statement, Koç Holding published an apology signed by Rahmi Koç on its social media account.

"I sincerely apologize for my words, which carried no intention of targeting any identity," the message read. "I would like to sincerely share my regrets. Respectfully."

Armed attacks on Koç businesses

Following the incident, two armed attacks targets companies belonging to Koç Holding. The first attack occurred on Jun 6, when two masked individuals opened fire on the head quarters of the Otokoç automotive company in Maltepe, İstanbul.

Two masked individuals arrived at the building on Saygı Street in the Aydınevler neighborhood in the morning hours. Two bullets hit the building, and the two attackers were apprehended a day later.

An armed criminal group with a Kurdish leader, known as the Ertekinler gang, claimed responsibility for the attack.

Today, bullets were fired at the shutters of a Yapı Kredi Bank branch in Kurdish-populated Diyarbakır city. Bank employees noticed bullet holes on the windows and notified the police, who are now reviewing security camera footage. (VK)

The incident occurred around 8.00 am local time (GMT+3) when a private car crashed into a fire panel belonging to the fire department.

The collision caused a faucet to burst, releasing water from the firefighting system directly into the tunnel. Authorities closed the Eurasia Tunnel to vehicle traffic following the accident.

A driver recorded the moments when water was flowing into the tunnel:

Yangın panosuna çarpan araç nedeniyle trafiğe kapatılan Avrasya Tünelinde çalışma sürüyor pic.twitter.com/tdGju1sfNO

— bianet (@bianet_org) June 8, 2026

The İstanbul Governor's Office issued a statement regarding the incident, confirming that cleanup and repair operations are underway.

"The water flowing into the tunnel has nothing to do with seawater, and work is continuing to resolve the problem," the governor's office stated.

Drivers intending to use the Eurasia Tunnel are currently being redirected to alternative routes.

Trans Pride Marches, as one of the most intense areas of confrontation along this line of struggle, are reconfigured each year in the streets and in daily life through new boundaries, prohibitions, and forms of resistance.

In recent years, increasing police interference, detentions and arrests, digital surveillance measures, and spatial restrictions have directly impacted not only event practices but also the very ways people come together. Despite this, solidarity networks established in different cities, neighborhoods, and online spaces strive to continually make visibility, organization, and political production possible once again.

Amid all these experiences, the idea of “coming together” transforms into a political persistence that extends not just to a single moment of action but throughout the entire year. This persistence points both to the ever-changing nature of repression and to the creative collective production and solidarity practices developed in response.

We spoke with Ahmet Soykarcı from the 12th İstanbul Trans Pride Week Committee about the oppression they faced in previous years, what kind of march they envision for this year, and the priority demands of trans people in Turkey.

Claims of AI-assisted surveillance

What happened during last year's Trans Pride march? In general, what kinds of repression have you encountered during Trans Pride marches in recent years?

We faced serious obstructions during last year’s march. Police intervention and harassment were intense; three of our friends were detained before the march even began. In fact, we have been facing an intense policy of repression, particularly since 2021. Since the period when 373 detentions occurred, the city has effectively been under siege. To put it plainly, we believe the reason for such intervention is that the state is afraid of this visibility and solidarity. Last year, claims of AI-assisted tracking and digital surveillance methods also came to the fore. One of our friends was “identified” using this method and detained. Unfortunately, his phone was unlawfully seized during this time. As a result, we had to completely reshape all our plans at the last minute.

Even though the centers we’ve been facing this crackdown against have been surrounded, we’ve been coming together in different areas under the slogan “Istanbul is ours.” We’ve also continued to organize in neighborhoods and various locations throughout the process. During the march planned as part of Trans Pride, intense police activity began as early as the morning hours.

Another situation that occurred was the detention of people with no connection to us, who were deemed “suspicious.” Hair color, appearance, or simply being on the street was criminalized. That day, many people were detained from various parts of the city solely on the grounds that they might be “trans.” Despite the absence of a pre-determined march route, interventions were made on the streets where people were gathered, and brief detentions took place. Nevertheless, despite the state’s intervention, a group of nearly 100 Trans Pride activists managed to carry out this march. But this situation demonstrates that not only protest spaces but also daily life is under surveillance. In Kadıköy as well, despite there being no official call for a march, detentions occurred targeting individuals who had been under prior surveillance, including our friends.

Of course, as Trans Pride, we continue to organize in a horizontal and open manner despite all of this. We establish committees that grow with new participants every year. Security concerns certainly exist; however, we prefer a more open, participatory form of organization rather than overly closed structures. We also communicate with people through new accounts and networks on social media, striving to build trust through verifiable connections.

İstanbul's LGBTI+ activists hold Pride March in unexpected location to circumvent bans

1 July 2024

Persistence in the struggle

I also see that you’re sometimes criticized on social media—comments like, “Why do you insist on marching? You get detained every year anyway.” What are your thoughts on this?

In my personal opinion, these criticisms miss the point about visibility and persistence. I actually define our struggle precisely through this persistence. Insisting on the world we want to live in isn’t just about marching; it’s about continuing the struggle to defend the right to exist, visibility, and life itself. That’s why we persist.

This year, too, our demands center on the vision of a different world, the right to life, and equality—though, of course, they aren’t limited to these. Our preparation for the march and Trans Pride Week in general also involves developing a trans political agenda. We hear similar criticisms during the actions we take throughout the year; however, here we have a fundamental demand regarding trans policies. For example, we organize actions that call out those responsible for restrictions on access to hormones and healthcare services. In these and similar actions, there were also concerns that they might worsen the already fragile situation regarding hormones; but perhaps we need to insistently remind each other of this: We are not the ones creating these conditions; the state is the perpetrator of all that is happening; we are merely trying to make these issues visible.

The action our friends carried out on the subway is also part of this policy. We are fighting to make each other feel that we are together and not alone, in the face of the “isolation” policies in society. And in an environment where hate speech is on the rise, encounters in daily life can sometimes become more complex than we imagine. Yet while there are escalating hate policies on one side, there is also the reality of the older men who applauded our friend on that subway that day.

New collective formed to defend trans people's right to hormone access

5 March 2026

Intersecting movements

How do you view the opposition’s stance toward the government’s LGBTI+phobic policies? 

I’d actually like to start by asking, “What stance?” The LGBTI+ movement is often rendered invisible, or our existence is “brushed aside” through symbolic representations. Of course, we expect more open, more direct support. Every year, various parties—especially opposition parties like the CHP, TİP, and DEM Party—say they will prioritize our demands within their own ranks and carry out work toward that end. Moreover, they attend our meetings and act as if they share our concerns. Similar statements occasionally come from other parties represented in Parliament as well. However, on the streets, this translates into little more than symbolic support. Of course, we must make an exception for the few individuals who dedicate their efforts to this cause. 

When looking at the street-level aspect, more organic relationships come to the fore. The connections established with the feminist movement are one of the strongest areas in this regard. The coming together of different struggles in large gatherings like Newroz creates a common ground for engagement. There are also occasional overlaps with socialist and anarchist movements; however, it is difficult to say that LGBT+ politics always occupies a central place in these areas. Although there has been increased contact with these movements in recent years, LGBT+ issues are often pushed to the background; yet the presence of our friends organizing there is transforming these spaces as well. Despite all this, there is a stronger sense of ownership and participation, particularly among younger generations of activists. 

There is also a certain level of engagement with professional organizations. Institutions such as the Bar Associations and the Turkish Medical Association (TTB) occasionally issue statements. Joint calls, particularly regarding ill-treatment during detention and access to healthcare, frequently come to the forefront. How would you describe your stance on this?

Yes, in response to the increasing human rights violations in recent years—such as the failure to implement the Istanbul Protocol and the violation of the right to health during detention—we are calling on doctors and healthcare workers. Our goal is to ensure a more sensitive and prepared approach in emergency departments, particularly when we are detained. For us, the LGBTI+ movement is not merely a structure “supported from the outside”; it is a space for struggle that drives transformation from within professional organizations. Commissions established within bar associations and health professional organizations are also part of this transformation. The relationship between the trans movement and political struggle is multifaceted. Issues such as peace, poverty, health, migration, and economic crisis directly touch the daily lives of trans people. For this reason, the struggle is not solely identity-based but proceeds along an intersectional axis. 

The challenges faced by trans people intersect directly with the experiences of migrants, the poor, those without access to healthcare, or those facing housing crises. For this reason, our struggle is a broader demand for equality and the right to life. Even if we cannot always be physically in the same space, we can come together on a common political front across different cities and within various organizations.

İstanbul police detain trans women for ID checks amid profiling concerns

1 August 2025

'There is no basis for these bans'

As you mentioned, the Trans Pride Committee focuses not only on the day of the march but also on organizing activities throughout the year. Could you tell us about the events you plan to hold this year?

This year, we had hoped to organize trans gatherings in addition to open calls; however, we weren’t very successful in that regard. Still, we’re focusing on creating other alternatives that will allow us to come together throughout the year. The main reason for this, as I mentioned earlier, is that Pride isn’t just a single day for us. We also see it as a space for struggle and a platform where trans politics are shaped. We’ll be announcing our event calendar soon. Friends who want to participate can follow our social media accounts. 

But since the topic has come up, it might be worth discussing the spatial bans we face every year. In particular, the administrative bans imposed around Taksim and Kadıköy directly impact our events. Despite this, court rulings in the resulting lawsuits often favor freedom of expression and association. However, during this process, the actual enforcement of these bans—even if only for a short time—hinders our events. These bans can sometimes take absurd forms. For example, being prevented from gathering in a public space to drink tea. Despite all this pressure, the movement continues to come together through different methods. I’m mentioning this because there may be friends who want to participate in our events but have to give up due to the bans. Yet these bans have no basis whatsoever. 

'They wandered in the valley for ever'

30 June 2025

The methods you’ve found to come together are also extremely creative. What would you like to say about that?

The process has turned into a kind of collective production. I’m surprised by us more and more every year. Every year, new ideas, new methods, and new forms of solidarity emerge. It’s like following the marches and events, piecing together the clues. It’s very hard for me to say that these ideas emerge at the end of such a process. As for this year, I can’t go into too many details for security reasons; but the trans community manages to piece these clues together every time.

Peace, poverty, health, migration, and the economic crisis

So why are trans people creating a separate organizational space?

This essentially stems from a historical necessity. In Turkey, trans visibility is a direct target, and consequently, there is a need for a distinct political subjectivity. From the early-era marches to the present day, trans people have needed a more independent path in both visibility and organization. This invisibility is not merely a lack of representation; it is also a structural inequality that permeates many areas of life. Discrimination in areas such as housing, employment, healthcare, and the right to exist in public spaces makes this need even more apparent.

Looking at the present, there has been a significant increase in trans suicides in recent years. Some of our trans friends have taken their own lives, citing the direct pressures they faced and, in recent times, difficulties accessing hormones. Practices such as raising age limits for hormone therapy create de facto restrictions. The situation is even more severe in prisons. Transgender inmates’ access to hormone therapy is largely dependent on procedures, which makes sustaining the process difficult.

Human rights organizations, professional associations, and civil society occasionally issue statements regarding these violations; however, despite all these statements, a systematic solution mechanism has not been established. At this point, solidarity networks—one of the strongest survival mechanisms within the trans movement—come to the fore. Yet, it is not just solidarity that is needed, but also a political struggle, and we are striving to build this. Consequently, alongside all of this, we require a separate organizational framework.

Police disrupt Transgender Day of Remembrance event in İstanbul

20 November 2024

'Peace is a matter of right to life and equality for us'

Have you had many friends who have emigrated due to oppression?

Of course, there has been an increase in the number of trans people emigrating abroad in recent years; however, oppression is not the sole reason for this. The economic conditions and growing poverty of queer people, especially trans people, are also significant factors. Nevertheless, there are still many trans activists in Turkey who remain organized and engaged in the struggle. Criminal trials and detention processes have already become a routine part of the movement. While the lawsuits filed after protests often result in acquittals, they naturally create a constant mechanism of oppression. Despite this, Trans Pride and Istanbul Pride continue to foster political activism throughout the year and create spaces for visibility.

Exhibition on trans movement’s history in Turkey banned in İstanbul

12 July 2024

You mentioned earlier that issues like peace, poverty, health, migration, and the economic crisis directly impact trans people’s daily lives. In this context, I’m also curious about the perspective you’ve established regarding the current peace process. Why is peace important for trans people?

Trans people are one of the groups directly affected by the war and conflict in this region, so we position ourselves directly within these discussions. For us, peace is not merely a political process; it is also a matter of the right to life and equality. For this reason, the trans movement views the peace process as an inseparable part of its own struggle—which is precisely why we build our trans politics on intersectionality.

We also define our relationship with the Kurdish movement through this intersection. Both movements face similar forms of oppression; the state excludes us through similar mechanisms. Therefore, the struggle for peace is not just the common ground of a single identity, but of various oppressed groups. (TY/VK)

Last week’s article was already up and running when it all started all over again on Saturday. The leader who isn’t the leader was due to hold a rally in the capital. The other leader not leader was due to have a rally on the coast but realised he had no friends there so decided to stage it at the capital’s headquarters. One was massive, enthusiastic, beaming smiles and defiance; the other had an audience of people who had got lost going to a funeral and ended up there. The leader read from a pre typed script given (written for, urm, typo). In a desperate bid to wake the audience up he threw white doves in the air, like Jesus he was pure and was going to cleanse the party, this was written boldly on the building. The party had been infiltrated by every plague there ever was and he would lay his hand on them and they would all disappear into a Russian-like gulag.

01/06/26

Doesn’t time fly when you’re trying to resist watching the news? The sheer terror of what awaits me in the living room to gobble me up is enough for me to consider hiding under the duvet forever. Last night the main news channels held a not so beauty parade, his disciples covered all the screens, wined and dined, treated like celebrities. In the past, their parties’ faces would only have been seen in the urinal. 

Morning - afternoon nothing. “The parliament isn’t sitting!” I envisaged Armageddon. “It’s not my fault,” my wife answers, “I’m not the government.” And that is very true, because if she was, we would have some serious problems. Instead, the new leader tells parliament “I am the leader.” “Who says so?” “Me.” “We need more evidence; have you got a badge or something?” 

We wait with baited breath, his now not MPs are going to meet tomorrow. Tho like a rock star he may throw himself into the parliamentary group mosh pit.    

As the light falls, I decide to take cover in Netflix, HBO or Amazon. I have been saving one of the greatest moments in my life, I think it’s time to wheel out the good times. “Untold UK: Liverpool's Miracle of Istanbul.”

I glance at the late news before and see his face. I saw him on stage once; he seemed good and kind. He had a real hope in a very different future.  I have doubts he will ever come out and for his family that would be a bitter pill to swallow, especially for his tireless defiant wife.

02/06/36

It is the morning and I’m barely awake, something needs “cleansing” the man says; it is echoed everywhere. Do they know the dangers of such language? Or is that what they want and who will be first? I put it all down to a misunderstanding in my translation, laugh and put the coffee on. Silly me.   

It is 12.30pm and there is almost a party like atmosphere in the stadium, I mean parliament. Delegates have been waiting for hours. They are on the verge of bursting into song after days of despair, this is The European Cup Final.

It’s 1pm and they are singing and chanting they are in fine voice, over to you in the stadium.  

He entered the building and the audience parted like the Red Sea as he climbed to the stage. He spoke in tones and colours that warmed the audience and those back home. Blackness diluted until a clear white line showed the way. And then the symphony ended and he walked out into the light. (DM/VK)

It saves time, reduces costs, and makes life easier. All of this is true. But it’s incomplete. Because, unlike the tools that came before it, artificial intelligence is a mechanism that can learn, renew itself, and influence decision-making processes. For the first time in history, a tool does not merely transform its user; it seeks to think and make choices on their behalf.

Therefore, discussing the issue solely within the “beneficial or harmful” dichotomy is insufficient. The true nature of artificial intelligence cannot be separated from the production relations into which it is embedded. The thesis defended in this article is simple: What we call artificial intelligence today cannot be evaluated as merely a technological breakthrough. It is a new regime of capital accumulation, and this regime carries the risk of producing a compliant type of subject while redistributing knowledge, labor, and even thought.

The question of the owner, not the tool

The massive data centers training AI models, the multi-billion-dollar chip infrastructure, and the energy grids are not randomly scattered across the globe. The companies that build, train, and lease these models can be counted on one hand. This concentration is not a technical choice but a structural reality. Because data—the raw material of artificial intelligence—only generates value as scale increases; and as scale increases, only very large capital groups can remain in the game. Although we see small investments here and there, these are merely those adapting the infrastructure provided by the big tech giants to their own needs.

At this point, we need to flip the concept on its head: Artificial intelligence is not a tool, but a form of property. Everyone who uses it is, in fact, connected to the infrastructure of a specific property owner. Every query that appears to be free provides data in return. Every piece of data makes the model more valuable; every increase in value flows to where ownership is concentrated. In classical capitalism, the worker sold their labor. Today, the user—often without realizing it—donates their cognitive labor and attention.

As Yanis Varoufakis puts it, every time we go online to use algorithmic services, we have no choice but to make a Faustian bargain with their owners. We submit to a business model based on the collection of our data, the tracking of our activities, and the invisible curation of our content—all to use the personalized services provided by algorithms… We are becoming free servants who provide behavioral patterns that predict our actions, guide our preferences, influence our decisions, change our minds, and train our attention[1].

The price of convenience: cognitive debt

Capital’s historical success stems not only from its control over the means of production but also from its ability to dominate the habits of the producers themselves. If you start referring to a need by the brand’s name, that is the triumph of the investment[2]. Artificial intelligence is opening up an entirely new front right here, infiltrating not only everyday language but also the practices of daily life. As it draws from more sources, we need to think more deeply about the impact it creates on its users. It has been nearly three years since Silicon Valley began aggressively marketing large language model-based chatbots like ChatGPT as the inevitable future of everything, and the group feeling this pressure the most has been Generation Z. We are beginning to see the results of research conducted on this topic.

A recent study at the MIT Media Lab showed that students who relied on AI during their research exhibited a significant drop in brain activity measured by EEG[3]. Fifty-four undergraduate students were randomly assigned to write an essay using AI, a search engine, or on their own, and EEG scans were conducted during this time to measure the electrical activity in their brains. A decrease in brain activity was observed among those who wrote with AI, and most students who used AI could not even quote a single sentence verbatim from what they had written. In fact, for four months, AI users consistently demonstrated lower performance at neural, linguistic, and behavioral levels.

Researchers gave this phenomenon a striking name: cognitive debt[4]. The convenience gained today is accumulating as a debt that will be paid back with interest tomorrow. AI boosts performance in the short term, but in the long term, it erodes determination, perseverance, and the ability to solve problems independently. When people switch to working without assistance, they struggle. This is because the brain is deprived of the experience of “overcoming a challenge on its own.”

Two more concepts have been added to this in the literature: cognitive atrophy and cognitive surrender. Approximately two-thirds of young adults now access information not through search engines, but directly through an AI assistant. According to a recent Harvard-Gallup study[5], 74% of the young people surveyed (those born between 1997 and 2012) say they use a chatbot at least once a month. (Another study found that more than half of college students in the U.S. use these tools weekly for their studies.)

Generation Z is concerned that the use of AI will eliminate three key applications: learning by doing, critical thinking, and learning from others. AI is taking over the skill of learning by doing or replacing the process of learning from people, including peers and mentors. However, most importantly, it prevents deep or critical engagement with ideas and information.

Yet a significant portion of the summaries produced by AI assistants—between 10% and 28% according to some estimates—are flawed or biased. When you consider the trillions of queries processed annually, the scale of misinformation circulating unchecked becomes clear. More importantly, we are outsourcing not just information, but the very act of thinking. We accept AI results “as is” without criticism.

This phenomenon is not innocent from a political economy perspective. Because a subject who does not criticize, does not question, and does not filter what they read through their own lens is the most compliant audience for any form of power. Critical reason, a fundamental achievement of Enlightenment thought, has never existed spontaneously in history. It was the product of a long practice of reading, writing, debating, and making mistakes. Now, the very foundation of this practice—pausing, going back, searching for the right word, making mistakes and correcting them—is being quietly sidelined. Even research in the previous technological generation, based on the repetition of another text via cut-and-paste, served learning indirectly. Because to choose what to quote, you had to at least read and sift through what you had read. Today, even that is no longer necessary.

Instead of a mind capable of critical and philosophical thought, a narrow “instrumental mind” emerges—one that accepts the speed and functionality offered by technological tools and focuses on choosing the most practical path to achieve a goal. This enables algorithms and data analytics to steer human behavior, beliefs, and decisions. Today, this process manages individuals to remain within the boundaries set by the system, even as they believe they are acting of their own free will.

A Critique of the relationship, not the tool

“The less you understand something, the more respect you show it, and the more you bow down before it.” [6]

My intention in saying all this is not to disparage artificial intelligence. The issue is not the tool itself, but the relationship we establish with it and the power dynamics within which this relationship is embedded. What makes a technology political is not the silicon it contains, but the regimes of ownership, labor, and knowledge through which it operates.

That is why we must think on two levels at once. At the individual level, we must maintain the distinction between using artificial intelligence as an assistant and gradually delegating the act of thinking to it. The brain is also a muscle. It atrophies where it bears no weight. At the societal level, the issue is far broader. Who is training these models, with what data, under whose oversight, and in the interest of what public good? Who does it see? Who does it exclude? Leaving the future of artificial intelligence to the boardrooms of a few companies could be democracy’s quietest loss over the next decade.

In the shadow of the intelligent machine, the core question remains the same: What are we feeding ourselves? Are we raising a generation that is adept at following instructions but incapable of independent thought? Drawing on Foucault, perhaps the illusion that we are free in our choices is a revelation of just how controllable we are. Let us use artificial intelligence, but let us not cede to it the right to choose how we think—and thereby how we are governed.

The counter-movement

Today, a large portion of young people and students—who are most directly affected by artificial intelligence—feel deep anger and even resentment toward an AI-driven future they perceive as being forced upon them.

While young people’s interest in AI persists, skepticism is growing. According to the findings of a Gallup survey conducted with a sample of 1,572 people[7], even the most active users of AI are less positive about it compared to a year ago (2025). Generation Z is less convinced than in 2025 that AI enhances learning and task completion efficiency. The percentage of Gen Z respondents who agree or strongly agree that AI tools can help speed up work has dropped by 10 points compared to 2025, while consensus on AI’s ability to accelerate learning has decreased by seven points, falling to 46%.

The number of Gen Z employees who believe the risks of AI outweigh its benefits has also increased by 11 percentage points compared to last year, reaching nearly 50%. And while 56% say these tools help them finish their work faster, 8 out of 10 acknowledge that using AI in this way will make genuine learning even more difficult in the future. Gen Z workers place more trust in work completed without AI (69%) than in AI-assisted work (28%).

The younger generation in the workforce is far more aware of the losses. The sentiment that we will develop our own skills and productive labor rather than strengthen Silicon Valley is spreading. This movement is also growing among science workers and academics. For example, a group led by cognitive scientists and AI researchers from universities in the Netherlands, Denmark, Germany, and the U.S. published a strongly worded statement calling on educators and administrators to reject corporate AI products. In the statement titled “Against the Uncritical Adoption of 'AI' Technologies in Academia,” the authors write, “When it comes to the AI technology industry, we reject their frameworks, reject their addictive and fragile technologies, and demand the restoration of the sanctity of the university both as an institution and as a set of values,” they write[8]. Another example is France. One of France’s leading universities, Sciences Po, has banned students from using ChatGPT for any assignments or presentations. For my part, I have adopted a similar approach for my own course by establishing a workflow that evaluates PDF-based articles.

There are people who worry that artificial intelligence is a constantly evolving element that replaces human labor, human thought, and human-to-human interaction. Research shows us that these concerns are certainly valid. The difference between using artificial intelligence as a tool and quietly handing over the task of thinking to it is as much a matter of individual attention as it is a matter of political stance. Who is training these models? With what data? Under whose oversight? As long as these questions remain unasked, technological progress will amount to nothing more than a redistribution of power. Critical reason has never existed spontaneously in history; it was the product of a long practice of reading, writing, making mistakes, and correcting them. Maintaining that practice is the freest action still possible in the shadow of the machine. (ÖB/EMK/VK)

References

[1] Yanis Varoufakis, Technofeudalism: What Killed Capitalism, Trans. Mustafa Güdük, Diplomat Yayınları, (2026)

[2] We can say this about the influence of brands like Coca-Cola and Selpak on language.

[3] https://arxiv.org/abs/2506.08872

[4] https://www.media.mit.edu/publications/your-brain-on-chatgpt/

[5] https://hbsp.harvard.edu/inspiring-minds/how-gen-z-is-using-ai

[6] Wilhelm Reich, Listen, Little Man!, Cem Yayınevi (2022)

[7] https://news.gallup.com/poll/708224/gen-adoption-steady-skepticism-climbs.aspx

[8] Against the Uncritical Adoption of ‘AI’ Technologies in Academia

 https://www.bloodinthemachine.com/p/cognitive-scientists-and-ai-researchers, https://zenodo.org/records/17065099

https://www.reuters.com/technology/top-french-university-bans-use-chatgpt-prevent-plagiarism-2023-01-27/

Arı appeared before the Ankara 2nd Penal Court of First Instance, where he faces up to six years in prison on charges of "publicly spreading misleading information" and "violating privacy." The journalist is known for his reporting on corruption and irregularities in public institutions.

During the hearing, the prosecution requested the continuation of Arı's detention. However, the panel of judges ruled for his release following objections from defense lawyers.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

Police detained Arı on Mar 21 in Tokat, where he was visiting his family for the Eid al-Fitr holiday. He was formally arrested the following day and held at the Sincan Prison in Ankara. The arrest was based on his statements during a YouTube program and his social media posts.

Indictment

The indictment claims that Arı spread misleading information during a appearance on BirGün TV, where he spoke about the Erdoğan family's involvement in the management of 20 foundations and the transfer of public resources to these organizations.

The prosecution also cited three specific social media posts by Arı as evidence. These posts concerned the demolition of historical structures on the land of an İstanbul imam-hatip high school from which President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan graduated, alleged irregularities in the appointment of judges and prosecutors, and corruption allegations at the Yunus Emre Foundation.

The prosecutor requested a sentence of one to three years for publicly spreading misleading information, and an additional one to three years for violating confidentiality. (VK)

According to information provided to bianet by Hornet, the investigation is not directed at the platform itself, but at one of the users of the platform, despite contrary media reports.

"Unfortunately, it was presented in the media as if the application committed this crime.

"According to our investigations, it appears that only an inquiry has been initiated into the Hornet application. Lawyers are currently trying to access the relevant complaint file. However, this is a situation completely independent of Hornet.

"It appears that the statements made by a user during a live broadcast on the Hornet application were complained about. Our moderation team already reviews such broadcasts and removes them from the platform. According to the information we received, the user featured in this video, who directly committed the crime, was released after giving a statement.

"Unfortunately, it was presented in the media as if the application committed this crime, but the current situation is far from this. Just as investigations are opened against individuals for a video shared on TikTok, this is the situation occurring on Hornet. A Hornet user was summoned to give a statement, not Hornet."

Hornet launches visibility program for LGBTI+s in Turkey

1 June 2026

(TY/VK)

The teachers, all Turkish citizens, went on strike due to the massive pay gap compared to their Italian colleagues.

The Tez-Koop-İş union said the school administration signed the official protocols required for the official and legal termination of the strike and forwarded them to the union and the Labor Ministry.

As the strike ended, teachers gathered in front of the school for the last time today, danced halay, and distributed lokma to mark their victory.

Reactions from teachers

"They said nothing would change here, there would be no raise," said Başak Baysallı, a Turkish language and literature teacher. "We went on strike and we won."

Fırat Aydın, another Turkish language teacher, said they experienced the excitement of returning to their classrooms after the strike.

Aydın addressed teachers working in the private sector, saying, "We are not helpless, we are powerful when we come together, we are powerful when we are organized. To be together and raise our voice, we must become union members without wasting any time."

Aydın conveyed his feelings of solidarity to the workers from various sectors who have staged strikes recently.

Doruk Madencilik miners receive all unpaid dues after resuming protest

5 June 2026

'The agreement sets a precedent'

Selahattin Karakurt, head of the İstanbul Branch No. 5 of the Tez-Koop-İş Union, said the 123-day strike was the "great and unshakable victory of the teachers."

The compromise reached concerns not only wages but also working conditions and professional status, said Karakurt.

"With the compromise reached, we have achieved an agreement that sets a precedent, ending discrimination at the school and guaranteeing our financial rights.

"Turkish teachers at this school now have working conditions at international standards and an equitable additional course system.

"As a result of these tough negotiations, our working conditions have been made fair and suitable for professional standards, and the institutional and professional status deserved by our labor has been secured. We did not just sign a wage contract, we established justice, equality, and our professional dignity at this school."

Karakurt stated that the strike also sets an important example for teachers working in the private sector and called on all teachers to join union organization.

Teachers working in private schools in Turkey generally receive significantly lower salaries compared to public schools.

(HA/VK)

The 8th Administrative Law Chamber of the İstanbul Regional Administrative Court unanimously accepted an appeal from the municipality. It stayed the execution of the Fatih District Governor’s Office's eviction order dated May 4 without requiring a bond.

The historic cistern was taken from the municipality on Jun 2 and transferred to the General Directorate of Foundations, which operates under the Culture and Tourism Ministry. Following the transfer, ticket booths were dismantled, and authorities announced the site would remain closed to visitors until the directorate installed its own ticket booths.

With the latest ruling, the case file has been sent back to the local court.

The administrative court stated that enforcing the eviction process could result in damages for the municipality that would be difficult to compensate.

Consequently, the court ruled that the conditions required under Article 27 of the Administrative Jurisdiction Procedure Law No. 2577 were jointly met, stopping the eviction process of the Basilica Cistern through judicial means. (NÖ/VK)

"Our resistance has ended in victory," the union said in a social media statement in the early hours of today. It said severance pays, unused leave pays, collective bargaining agreement differentials, and forced unpaid leave payments were paid in addition to unpaid wages.

"A mechanism to operate in the subsequent process has been defined between our union, the ministry, and the company against the possibility of detecting deficiencies or errors in calculations," the statement said. "A definitive agreement has been reached that additional rights that may arise as a result of the inspection carried out by the Labor and Social Security Ministry regarding union rights and the mandatory unpaid leave practice will also be paid by the company without objection."

Over 100 miners detained after march to Ankara over unpaid wages

21 April 2026

"We were not deceived by any words, we only believed in our will and solidarity," the union added. "We thank our people and friends of miners who walked with us. We resisted together, we won together!"

The Eskişehir-based miners started their action in April, which included a march to the capital Ankara. They ended the two-week protest on Apr 29 after three ministries stepped in to guarantee that their severance pay and wage arrears would be paid.

However, the miners traveled to Ankara once again on Jun 1, accusing the company of failing to keep its promise despite the guarantees provided by the ministries.

Police detain union leaders as miners' protest continue in Ankara

27 April 2026

The company claimed in response that "all receivables stemming from wages" had been paid, adding that other receivables would also be settled.

The union called the company statement manipulative and maintained that all receivables had not been paid. The process was completed after four days when the remaining payments were made. (VK)

The Antalya 12th Family Court had applied to the high court after a case it heard last year, requesting the annullment of the provision regarding poverty alimony in Article 175 of the Turkish Civil Code.

The objection requested the annulment of the phrase "...indefinitely..." in the first paragraph of the article, which states, "The party who will fall into poverty due to divorce may request alimony from the other party indefinitely in proportion to their financial power for their livelihood, provided that their fault is not heavier."

The Constitutional Court general assembly discussed the application today and reached a verdict. It decided that the annulment will take effect nine months after the reasoned decision is published, which will be written later. During this nine-month period, the parliament will prepare a new regulation to replace the annulled provision.

The high court had previously rejected a similar application in 2012.

Justice minister welcomes decision

Justice Minister Akın Gürlek welcomed the decision in a statement on social media, saying that the government was already working to amend provisions regarding divorces as part of an upcoming judicial reform package:

“Establishing a balanced and fair model that would both protect the rights of the parties involved in post-divorce proceedings and avoid undermining social harmony and the integrity of the family institution was one of our top priorities.

“In response to the high demand from our citizens and in line with practical applications on the ground, this issue constituted one of the core topics of the Judicial Package, to which we had already contributed with great care during its preparation.

“In this context, we consider the Constitutional Court’s decision to annul the provision on ‘perpetual alimony’ in the Turkish Civil Code to be of the utmost importance in the name of justice and fairness.

“Taking into account the legal process established by the Constitutional Court, we will submit a new legal regulation—one that does not subject either party to an unfair lifelong obligation and is in line with fairness—to the esteemed Grand National Assembly for its consideration.”

Turkey's family minister voices opposition to 'indefinite' alimony payments

28 July 2023

'Contrary to principle of equality'

Women's organizations criticized the decision in statements on social media, arguing that it is against gender equality.

The Women's Platform for Equality (EŞİK) said the decisison was unacceptable. "While women in Turkey are still struggling with unequal employment conditions, unpaid care labor, and deepening poverty, the solution is not to narrow women’s existing rights, but to eliminate inequalities."

Turkey's high inflation erodes alimony payments, leaving women in financial hardship

6 October 2024

The İstanbul Bar Association Women's Rights Center asserted that the decision violated the Constitution. "The annulment decision regarding poverty alimony is contrary to the principle of equality regulated in Article 10 of the Constitution. We are not giving up on our right to alimony."

The Women's Assembly of the Peoples’ Equality and Democracy (DEM) Party, the second-largest opposition party argued that the verdict lacked legal basis, adding that limiting the right to alimony could drag women into poverty and leave them in a cycle of violence.

'Alimony right is not indefinite under all conditions'

Legal expert Nazan Moroğlu evaluated the decision, noting that the public perception does not reflect reality as alimony was already not indefinite under all conditions.

"Alimony automatically ends if one of the spouses dies or if the alimony creditor remarries. It can also be lifted by a court decision in cases of living de facto as married, leading a dishonorable life, or financially leaving the state of poverty," Moroğlu said.

LAWYERS PASİNLİ & AKKAYA

Legal amendment ‘aims to prevent divorce’ by limiting right to alimony

9 February 2022

Arguing that the problems experienced in short-term marriages stem from practice rather than the law, Moroğlu said, "In such cases, solutions like lump-sum payments are possible."

Moroğlu also noted that alimony is not a right exclusive to women, and men can also benefit from this right.

(EMK/VK)

According to news compiled by bianet from local and national newspapers, news websites, and news agencies, men killed at least 14 women and two children in May.

Men injured at least 46 women, abused at least 13 girls and boys, and harassed 18 women in May. Men forced 106 women into sex work.

In May, the deaths of 43 women and seven children were “suspecious” cases where it could not be definitvely determined whether they were gender-based or not.

Femicide

Men killed at least 14 women in May. Last year, this number was 26 for the same month.

Men killed five women because they refused to reconcile. They also killed one woman out of jealousy. The excuses given by the men for killing eight women were not reported in the press. 

Nine women were killed by their husbands, boyfriends, or ex-husbands, and four women were killed by family members such as their sons and fathers. The identity of the man who killed one woman was not reported in the media.

Men killed 11 women inside the home and three women outside the home.

Men killed 10 women with firearms, three women with sharp objects, and one woman by beating her to death.

Child murder

In May, men killed at least two children. Last year, this number was one for the same month.

One child was killed by his father, who strangled them inside the home. The degree of acquaintance between the man and a child he killed was not reported in the media. He killed the child outside the home with a sharp object. 

Harassment

In May, men harassed at least 18 women. This figure was 16 in the same month last year.

Men harassed one woman inside her home and 17 women outside the home.

One woman was harassed by a cleaning worker, one by a relative, one by a government employee, and nine by a man staying at the same boarding house. The degree of acquaintance between the man and at least six of the women he harassed was not reported in the media.

Sexual assault/Rape

In May, two men raped two women. One woman was raped by a relative, and the other by her ex-boyfriend.

Child abuse

Men abused at least 14 girls and boys in May. Last year, this number was 50 for the same month.

Men abused children outside the home, in places such as schools and parks.

Four children were abused by their father or stepfather, and three by a grocery store clerk. One child was abused by his mother’s boyfriend. The identities of the 42 perpetrators who abused at least six children were not reported in the media.

Violence/Injury

Men injured at least 46 women in May. Last year, the number was 68 for the same month. Police officers were among the perpetrators.

At least nine women were taken to the hospital with injuries.

At least 28 women were injured by their husbands or boyfriends, six by their sons-in-law or sons, one by her boss, one by a coworker, and one by a taxi driver. The identities of the men who injured at least nine women were not reported in the media.

Men injured at least six women because they “did not want to reconcile or wanted to break up.” The excuses given by men for injuring 40 women were not reported in the media.

Men injured 22 women inside the home and 24 women outside the home.

Men injured 30 women by beating them, 12 women with firearms, and four women with sharp objects.

Forced sex work

In May, men forced at least 106 women into sex work. Last year, this number was 277 for the same month. Children were also among those forced into sex work.

(EMK/VK)

The second hearing of the case against Berk was held today at the Tunceli 1st Heavy Penal Court.

Berk, a reporter for the Pir News Agency (PİRHA) which focuses on issues related to Turkey's Alevi minority, was brought to the courtroom from the prison where he was being held following his detention during a police raid on his home on Dec 19, 2025.

His lawyers, Kenan Çetin and Doğa İncesu, attended the hearing. Representatives from the Human Rights Association (İHD) Dersim Branch, as well as relatives and colleagues of Berk, also followed the proceedings.

BIA Media Monitoring Reports

13 December 2024

The prosecution repeated its previous opinion and requested that Berk be punished.

In his defense, Berk rejected the accusations and stated that his activities were within the scope of journalism. "Journalism is not a crime," he said.

Lawyers Kenan Çetin and Doğa İncesu argued that the prosecutor should prepare an indictment based on concrete evidence rather than assumptions. "The accusation against Cihan Berk does not constitute organization membership," the defense lawyers said, demanding Berk's release.

Following the defense statements, the court delegation recessed the hearing for deliberation. The court sentenced Berk to six years and three months in prison for being a member of he Revolutionary People's Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C), a Marxist armed group, while ruling for his release under an international travel ban. (HA/VK)

Lütfi Ardıç, a producer from Afyonkarahisar, western Turkey, a major hub for potato production, highlighted the widening gap between expenses and earnings. He noted that one ton of potatoes sells for 5,000 liras, while one ton of fertilizer costs 30,000 liras.

"Farmers are finished," Ardıç told ANKA news agency. "Right now, a liter of diesel is around 65 to 70 liras. To buy one liter of diesel, I need to sell nearly 14 to 15 kilograms of potatoes. A kilogram of this potato is 5 liras. One ton of fertilizer is 30,000 liras. This means we are finished."

Number of registered farmers further decreases, MP warns

7 May 2026

Ardıç, who also grows barley, wheat, alfalfa, and corn, described the situation as grim. He explained that fertilizer, fungicides, and insecticides are essential, but costs have forced farmers to plant seeds kept from the previous year.

"We are trying to cover the loss we made from potatoes with barley. We are trying to cover it with corn," Ardıç said. "We are trying to close the gap somehow, but it is impossible to close."

According to Turkish Statistical Institute (Turkstat) data, potato production in the country rose by 21.1%  to 6.9 million tons in 2024, before dropping by 7.2% to 6.4 million tons in 2025. In Apr 2026, monthly inflation was 4.18%, while annual inflation stood at 32.37%. The agricultural input price index also increased by 34.26%  annually in March.

Climate crisis at the table, market regime in the fields

14 February 2026

Ardıç said that many producers are forced to work with post-dated checks, which negatively impacts their financial stability. He added that failures to repay bank debts have led to the seizure of farming equipment.

"We plant potatoes but we receive our money in exchange for checks," Ardıç said. "We sell potatoes on credit, but they write you a six or seven-month check. As soon as you get that check, you go and give it to the place where you bought pesticides or fertilizer on credit."

'Many farmers left their villages'

Because debts remain unpaid, he has been trying to sell his tractor, equipment, and land, said Ardıç.

"Right now, in our village, the number of people who planted potatoes in 2025 and 2026 and made a loss is at least 80%," Ardıç said. "Electricity subscriptions were canceled. Wells were closed. We need big tractors because we plant potatoes. While there was an average of two tractors in each household, right now not even one tractor is left in any of them. Banks either took our equipment due to debt or we had to sell them. We have a lot of empty land. We have many people who left the village because they made a loss from potatoes, barley, and wheat."

Price fluctuations

A report by the Agriculture and Forestry Ministry notes that potatoes are among the products with the highest producer and consumer price fluctuations in Turkey. Producers base their planting decisions on the potato prices from the previous year, fertilizer prices, and market demand.

"It has been concluded that when fertilizer prices increase, farmers move away from potato production," the report stated.

Turkey ranks fourth globally in food inflation

15 May 2026

(VC/VK)

Many marine creatures, including a juvenile fan mussel, were found dead after becoming trapped in the ghost net, Anadolu Agency (AA) reported.

Ghost nets are either nets discarded in the sea or intentionally left to continue passive fishing. Because they remain in the water for long periods, they turn into a deadly trap for marine life and pose a hazardous threat to the ecosystem.

The net was detected following a report made to Mobil Atlas, an application implemented by the Marine Life Protection Association and the Agriculture and Forestry Ministry, Volkan Narcı, head of the association, told AA. The application was launched last year to contribute to creating Turkey’s marine biodiversity map by uploading species, depth, and location information about marine creatures to the system.

Teams arriving in the area following the report conducted an exploration using underwater cameras, which showed that the nets were stuck in rocky areas and crevices, Narcı said. 

Underwater video reveals return of 'sea snot' in Marmara Sea

18 December 2024

During seven dives carried out at six different locations over four days, teams removed nearly 15,000 square meters of ghost net, 200 square meters of monofilament net, 225 kilograms of lead weights, 30 meters of rope, and 50 meters of trawl door rope.

The ghost nets removed from the sea could completely cover the nearly 390-meter-high Çamlıca Radio Tower.

In its decision published in the Official Gazette yesterday, the authority emphasized that while legal regulations draw the framework for employers to monitor and document working hours, there is no explicit statutory regulation allowing this to be done via biometric identification.

"Since there is no clear legal regulation providing for tracking to be done with biometric identification systems, carrying out attendance tracking through the processing of biometric data may constitute a violation of the law," the KVKK stated.

The authority said attendance tracking should instead be ensured through other methods including encrypted cards or PIN-based systems, traditional signature and paper-based attendance sheets, RFID/NFC identification cards, or manual entry under supervisor oversight.

While biometric identification systems such as fingerprints, facial recognition, iris scans, or retina scans appear attractive to employers due to being fast, accurate, and resistant to manipulation, this "forms an extremely sensitive area within the context of personal data protection law," according to the decision.

Employee complaints

The KVKK said that complaints regarding biometric systems are among the most frequent issues it receives from employees.

Highlighting a structural power imbalance in the employee-employer relationship, the authority expressed doubts over whether obtaining explicit consent from workers relies on free will.

Moreover, tracking practices must comply with the principles of proportionality, necessity, and data minimization, it added.

The KVKK is the highest decision-making body established to oversee the lawful processing of personal data and protect citizens' privacy rights in Turkey. Its legal framework is drawn by the Personal Data Protection Law No. 6698, which entered into force in 2016.

The KVKK is defined as a completely independent and autonomous structure that possesses administrative and financial independence and does not receive orders or instructions from any authority, organ, or person. It is affiliated with the Justice Ministry for bureaucratic procedures.

The board consists of nine members, with five elected by parliament and four appointed by the president. (AEK/VK)

The Elazığ 2nd Penal Judgeship of Peace issued the ruling based on Article 8/A of the Internet Law. This article allows for content blocks on grounds of national security, public order, crime prevention, protection of public health, or protecting the right to life and property.

İFÖD did not provide details about the exact reason for the blocking order.

Following the ruling, Cumhuriyet changed its handle from @cumhuriyetgzt to @cumhuriyetgzt1, presumably to circumvent the ban. The account, which has more than 3.4 million followers, is still accessible from Turkey.

It's not clear whether this accessibility is due to the handle change or because X has not yet implemented the ruling. While the platform generally complies with such orders, it occasionally refrains from doing so.

Founded in 1924, Cumhuriyet is the longest-running newspaper in Turkey. The secularist-nationalist paper, whose name literally means "republic," was established with the involvement of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the republic.

Turkey blocked record number of web addresses in 2024, surpassing 300,000

3 September 2025

(VK)

According to the study published in the special issue titled “Place-based Decarbonization” of the peer-reviewed journal Journal of Transport Geography, while transportation demand in Turkey is growing rapidly alongside economic growth and urbanization, this growth relies heavily on private vehicle use. The perception that public transportation systems are inadequate in terms of comfort, safety, and accessibility reinforces this trend. The study also highlights that incentives for air travel and decades-long road-centric transportation policies have limited the development of low-carbon alternatives such as rail and maritime transport.

The research emphasizes that Turkey also possesses significant opportunities for a low-carbon transportation transition. The tech-savvy nature of the young population, along with investments in smart transportation systems and electric vehicles, offers potential for this transformation. However, technical innovations alone are not sufficient for a lasting solution. According to the study, a genuine transformation in transportation can only be achieved by strengthening public transit, promoting pedestrian- and bicycle-oriented mobility, and developing policies tailored to the local conditions of cities. Achieving this transformation is critical not only for meeting climate goals but also for building more livable, accessible, and sustainable cities.

Second only to energy in emissions

The transportation sector, one of the most critical areas in the fight against climate change, is responsible for approximately 25% of global greenhouse gas emissions. However, the transformation of this sector is not an issue that can be resolved solely through technological innovations. Since transportation is a system directly shaped by economic growth, urbanization, and social preferences, policies aimed at reducing carbon emissions must also take this multi-layered structure into account.

In developing countries like Turkey, this balance is even more delicate. Economic growth, rising income levels, and urbanization are rapidly increasing transportation demand. While this growth supports mobility and economic vitality on one hand, it drives up energy consumption and carbon emissions on the other. Therefore, the fundamental question remains relevant: How can emissions be reduced while meeting the growing demand for transportation?

Private vehicle ownership is rising

The study reveals that private vehicle use is steadily increasing in Turkey. Economic growth, rising income levels, and the perception of the automobile not merely as a means of transportation but also as a symbol of social status are reinforcing this trend.

Negative perceptions regarding the quality of public transportation services, however, stand out as a significant obstacle. In particular, the fact that urban public transportation systems are not considered sufficiently comfortable, safe, or accessible is driving up demand for private vehicles.

This creates a vicious cycle in urban transportation: As private vehicle ownership increases, demand for and investment in public transportation may weaken; as the appeal of public transportation diminishes, private vehicle use becomes even more widespread.

Transportation infrastructure cannot keep pace with rapid urbanization

The rapid urbanization process experienced in recent years is also one of the most significant barriers to low-carbon transportation. The rapid growth of urban populations due to rural-to-urban migration and the horizontal expansion of cities are increasing travel distances. This situation not only makes it difficult to plan public transportation systems effectively but also makes private vehicle use more “necessary.”

Especially in cities growing without proper planning, the inability of public transportation infrastructure to keep pace with this growth is one of the key factors driving emissions increases.

Road-centric transportation infrastructure limits transformation

For many years, Turkey’s transportation infrastructure has developed largely with a focus on roads. This situation, which limits the development of lower-carbon alternatives such as rail and maritime transport, has resulted in high emissions in both passenger and freight transport.

The neglect of railway infrastructure in the past has increased dependence on road transport, particularly for freight. Gaps in connections between ports, logistics hubs, and railways further hinder the widespread adoption of more sustainable transportation options.

However, the issue is not limited to physical infrastructure alone. Institutional structures and policy design also play a decisive role in the process. The study reveals that measurable targets, concrete indicators, and monitoring mechanisms are often missing from policy documents.

Additionally, inter-agency coordination issues and the inadequacy of data collection and management systems make it difficult to develop effective policies. In particular, there is a lack of reliable and comprehensive data regarding transportation-related emissions. This makes it difficult to both accurately analyze the situation and measure the impact of policies.

Solutions tailored to local conditions must be developed

The transformation needed in Turkey’s transportation sector encompasses strengthening public transportation systems, developing rail and intermodal transportation, and setting measurable policy targets. However, perhaps the most critical point is the necessity for these policies not to be one-size-fits-all.

Cities in Turkey possess significantly different economic, spatial, and social characteristics. Therefore, low-carbon transportation policies must be sensitive to local conditions and developed through place-based approaches.

(TY/VK)

Nayir was brought from the Marmara (Silivri) prison to the hearing at the İstanbul 13th Heavy Penal Court.

In his defense, Nayir criticized the indictment, saying, "Despite reading it multiple times, I did not understand anything from the indictment. The prosecution has only included money transfers. There is no evidence proving my guilt."

Lawyers claim access to files blocked in ESP investigation

10 April 2026

His lawyer, Azad Katar, similarly stated that the contents of the indictment could not be clearly understood and failed to provide evidence for the allegations:

"Neither the dates nor the individuals are clear in the indictment. A sense of mystery has been added to the content of the indictment. At this stage, how can my client prepare a defense without date and person information?

"The report by the Financial Crimes Investigation Board (MASAK) mentions 17 money transfers involving 12 individuals, but there is no information on what action they were used for and why. There is no clear situation proving organization membership.

"Wiretapping records are mentioned, but there is no transcript of these records. He is accused based on a phone call he made regarding removing and installing a sign for the association he chairs.

"Likewise, a document is mentioned in the indictment. However, this is my client's notebook. In the indictment, it was presented as if it were digital material.

"I can only say that I find the indictment tragicomic.

"For social media posts, we see that the content is in no way included in the indictment. My client's posts are retweets of the posts of the Socialist Party of the Poor (ESP). The ESP is a legitimate party established according to the Law on Political Parties. It is a party that can participate in elections and for which citizens can vote. Moreover, there is no element of crime within the contents. There is no statement in the posts in question that would legitimize the posts of the organization.

"The elements of the crime of organization membership are clear. According to the Court of Cassation, being within the hierarchical structure, giving representation to the organization, using a code name, and having an organic bond are required. But none of these exist in this case file.

"There is no concrete situation showing that my client is an organization member. At this stage, we request his release."

The court recessed for 10 minutes following Katar's statements. Announcing its decision after the recess, it ruled for the release of Cemre Nayir under judicial control measures, whcih include a ban on traveling abroad and a requirement to check in at a police station once a week.

Nayir is expected to be released from Marmara (Silivri) Prison today.

(HA/EK/VK)

Following the transfer process that took place early today, the municipality evacuated the structure and dismantled its own ticket booths.

The cistern has been temporarily closed to visitors and will open after the directorate sets up its own ticket booths.

The municipality restored the cistern in 2022. Since then, it has attracted more than 11 million visitors, according to Cenk Akın, a municipal subsidiary operating in the cultural sector.

"On Apr 18, we lowered the entrance fee to 1 lira for Turkish citizens. Within that scope, 500,000 of our citizens visited," ANKA news agency quoted Akın as saying. "We really managed it well. The legal processes are also ongoing. However, we are here as tenants, as Kültür AŞ, and as of today, we are carrying out our transfer to Foundations."

Legal process

The title deed of the Basilica Cistern was taken from the municipality on Apr 1, and registered on behalf of the General Directorate of Foundations.

After the process was taken to the judiciary, the İstanbul 8th Administrative Court on May 9 issued a stay of execution regarding the administrative action for the evacuation of the cistern.

The court also ruled for the stay of execution without requiring a guarantee until the defenses of the Fatih District Governor's Office and the General Directorate of Foundations are received or the period for defense expires. (TY/VK)

Falling on the 18th day of Dhu al-Hijjah, the 12th and final month of the Islamic lunar calendar, the holiday is named after the Ghadir Khumm region between Mecca and Medina, where Prophet Muhammad delivered a sermon upon returning from his Farewell Pilgrimage.

The Ghadir Khumm holiday is celebrated by Arab Alawites as well as all Shia groups as the day when Prophet Muhammad declared Ali bin Abi Talib as his successor upon returning from the Farewell Pilgrimage in 632.

Prophet Muhammad delivered a speech in the Ghadir Khumm region, located about four kilometers from the Juhfah area between the cities of Mecca and Medina. He is believed to have designated Ali as the caliph after him by stating, "Whomever I am the master of, Ali is also his master."

This holiday is considered the holiest day of the year for Arab Alawites, who live predominantly in provinces such as Hatay, Adana, and Mersin in Turkey.

Since the holiday has a strong culture of sharing and hospitality, communal tables featuring traditional dishes and desserts generally stand out. (TY/VK)

Four news articles published on the Kısa Dalga news site as part of the dossier titled "The Visa Empire" (Vize İmparatorluğu) have been censored. Journalist Canan Coşkun, who prepared the articles, said on social media that the series was not yet complete and that further parts were upcoming.

According to a notification by the Information Technologies and Communication Authority (BTK), the decision was taken under Article 8/A of Law No. 5651. This article allows for access blocks on internet content for reasons such as the right to life, safety of life and property, national security, public order, crime prevention, and protection of public health.

The investigation, coordinated by Lighthouse Reports with the participation of 14 media organizations from 12 countries, revealed that VFS Global, a leading mediation company, often offers applicants non-compulsory additional services, but these services are effectively operated as an integral part of the application.

The research stated that services such as VIP lounges, SMS notification, courier, document scanning, and printing turned into invisible additional costs for applicants.

The reports published on Kısa Dalga examined the Turkey operations of VFS Global, its business partner in Turkey, Gateway Management, the business relations of company owner Halis Ali Çakmak, and alleged connections with former Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu.

The series also included allegations of monopolization in visa processes, black market intermediaries, and the experiences of applicants.

(HA/VK)

The survey, which tracks living conditions in the capital Ankara, showed that the hunger threshold—the minimum monthly food expenditure required for a family of four to have a healthy, balanced, and adequate diet—rose to 35,174 liras. This amounts to 125% of the current minimum wage of 28,075 liras (1 US dollar = 45.90 Turkish liras).

Poverty line nearly 4 times the minimum wage in June

15 July 2024

The cost of living for a single employee increased to 45,488 liras in May.

Living costs continue to increase

Türk-İş reported steady increases in these expenditures over the first five months of the year. In January, the hunger threshold was 31,224 liras, the poverty threshold was 101,706 liras, and the cost of living for a single worker was 40,541 liras. By April, those figures rose to 34,586 liras, 112,660 liras, and 44,802 liras, respectively.

The monthly food expenditure required for a family of four increased by 588 liras over the past month. The cumulative effect of monthly increases reached 3,950 liras in additional kitchen expenses for family budgets in the first five months of the year.

Turkey ranks fourth globally in food inflation

15 May 2026

The rise in living costs continues to negatively affect the living conditions of broad segments of society, particularly wage earners and retirees, Türk-İş said in its research report. The increase in food prices, which holds a significant share in basic necessity expenditures, increases the pressure on household budgets, the union added.

Pensioner poverty in Turkey: 9 out of 10 say need to work to stay afloat

12 May 2026

Türk-İş also noted that the increase in kitchen expenses, which constitute a significant portion of expenditures for low-income and fixed-income segments, runs higher than the increase in general consumer prices.

Under current economic conditions where inflation maintains its high level, wage increases remain insufficient to cover price increases, leading to a decline in the purchasing power of workers, the report stated.

The union called for a broader approach to wage setting due to these economic strains.

"In this framework, determining wage incomes by considering only the realized inflation rate is not sufficient," Türk-İş stated. "In order to protect the purchasing power of workers and retirees, prevent the deterioration in income distribution, and contribute to the reduction of poverty, wage policies need to be handled in a broader social and economic framework." (HA/VK)

Unlike a traditional modeling contest, the Hornet Turkey 2026 program is designed as a multi-stage visibility and participation project that aims to bring the stories, experiences, and creativity of queer people to a wider audience.

ILGA Rainbow Index: Turkey remains second-worst country for LGBTI+s in Europe

11 May 2023

As part of the program, selected participants will take part in professional photo shoots, content creation and various community events.

Participants chosen at the end of the program will have the opportunity to take part in Hornet’s international visibility efforts, contribute to various content and campaigns, and work on projects representing the diversity of the LGBTI+ community.

Apple removes Hornet queer social network app from AppStore Turkey

10 August 2021

Along with a cash prize, the total value of the support, which includes collaborations and productions within the scope of brand ambassadorship, is expected to be around 100,000 liras (~2,180 US dollars).

Victor Sevilla, an associate marketing director at the company, said they were excited to launch the program and emphasized the importance of creating safe spaces for queer commmunity.

Turkey blocks access to 29 dating, video chat apps

2 September 2025

(TY/VK)

Members of the Hatay Diving Center noticed activity in the water while returning to the coast by boat from a diving event, according to Anadolu Agency (AA) reporting.

Realizing it was a whale, the divers followed the animal for a while and recorded footage using a mobile phone camera before the whale disappeared from sight.

🟢 Hatay’ın Samandağ ilçesi açıklarında balina görüldü

🗣️ Anatomist ve Yaban Hayatı Fotoğrafçısı Dr. Pedram Türkoğlu: “Dünya’nın yaşayan en büyük dişli predatörü sularımızda yaşıyor. Ne büyük bir ayrıcalık!” https://t.co/ao5BaSNiBx pic.twitter.com/hVHheBABHJ

— bianet (@bianet_org) June 1, 2026

The miners on Apr 29 ended a two-week protest, which included a march from Eskişehir to Ankara, after three ministries stepped in to guarantee that their severance pay and wage arrears would be paid. Labor and Social Security Ministry, the Interior Ministry, and the Energy and Natural Resources Ministry were involved in the process.

Workers attempted to travel to Ankara today but faced obstacles from authorities, according to a statement from theIndependent Mine Workers Union (Bağımsız Maden-İş).

The union said the buses they hired to travel to Ankara were canceled three times due to pressure and threats of fines from authorities.

Over 100 miners detained after march to Ankara over unpaid wages

21 April 2026

When the workers attempted to travel with their their own vehicles instead, they faced police checkpoints in the Ayaş and Beypazarı districts on the outskirts of Ankara, the union said. Police stopped many vehicles to spot the workers.

"There is no turning back from this path without getting our rights," the union said. "Either declare us slaves or give us our rights."

'We won't return until we get paid'

In Beypazarı, Bağımsız Maden-İş Organizing Specialist Başaran Aksu said they won't return until the workers receive their payments:

"In the meeting held under the supervision of three ministries, where the boss and the holding CEO were also present, it was promised that all demands would be accepted and payments would be made. 

"No one will return from this path before seeing the worker's right in the IBANs. If they do not have the power to deposit the money into the IBAN, they should not be saying 'ban'."

Police detain union leaders as miners' protest continue in Ankara

27 April 2026

Union met with officials

Following the announcement of the plan to go to Ankara, the ministries requested a meeting before the workers set off, according to the union.

A delegation consisting of Doruk Madencilik workers and union executives is currently holding a meeting with the ministries.

While the workers maintain their decision to go to the Interior Ministry, their arrival time in Ankara will depend on the attitude of the police. The miners state that they will not end their protest until their severance pay and wage arrears are paid. (HA/VK)

The demonstration was held at 7.00 pm on Mis Street, a side street leading to İstiklal Avenue. The gathering took place despite a official ban and widespread transportation restrictions. 

GEZİ FAMILIES SPEAK OUT

'The impunity of the murderers killed our sense of justice'

9 May 2022

Hours before the event, called by the Taksim Solidarity group, police blockaded Taksim Square, İstiklal Avenue and the surrounding areas in line with a demonstration ban in the district. Public transit lines and several roads were also closed.

The protest was attended by lawmakers, representatives from political parties, labor and professional organizations, and democratic civil society groups. Among the participants was Gülsüm Elvan, the mother of 14 year old Berkin Elvan, who lost his life during the Gezi protests after being struck by a tear gas canister fired by police in Okmeydanı.

Berkin Elvan’s birthday: He would have been 26

6 January 2025

Demonstrators carried placards reading "Justice for Gezi" that featured photos of the imprisoned defendants of the Gezi trial. The crowd chanted slogans including "Taksim is everywhere, resistance is everywhere," "A thousand greetings to those who fell and fought in Gezi," and "We are Gezi, we will come again."

Gülsüm Elvan addressed the crowd first. "One day we will definitely break this blockade and commemorate our children by leaving carnations at Gezi. Can Atalay, Mine Özerden, Çiğdem Mater, Osman Kavala, and Tayfun Kahraman will also be with us," Elvan said.

Who are the eight convicts of the Gezi case?

26 April 2022

Following Elvan's speech, the crowd held a moment of silence for those who lost their lives during the Gezi resistance. The names of Mehmet Ayvalıtaş, Ethem Sarısülük, Abdullah Cömert, Medeni Yıldırım, Hasan Ferit Gedik, Ali İsmail Korkmaz, Ahmet Atakan, and Berkin Elvan were read out one by one, alongside journalist Hakan Tosun, who was killed in October. The crowd responded to each name by shouting "He lives."

Three acquitted in Gezi Park case retrial

11 February 2025

(VC/VK)

Metro İstanbul, the city's rail transit operator, announced that multiple lines would remain closed until further notice:

"In line with the decision taken by the İstanbul Governor’s Office, as of 1.00 pm today, until a second announcement; Taksim station of our M2 Yenikapı-Hacıosman Metro Line, F1 Taksim-Kabataş Funicular Line, and TF1 Maçka-Taşkışla Cable Car Line will be closed for operation.

"The İstiklal Avenue exit of our Şişhane station will be closed to passenger use. Our passengers can use the other entrances and exits of the station. Our vehicles will continue their journey without stopping at Taksim station."

Additionally, İstanbul police closed the following streets and roads to traffic: İstiklal, Sıraselviler, İnönü, Mete, Prof. Dr. Bedri Karafakioğlu, Boğazkesen, Ömer Hayyam (from Tarlabaşı Taksim junction), Atıf Yılmaz, Turnacı Başı, Hamalbaşı, Kamer Hatun, Yeni Çarşı, Meşrutiyet, Bostanbaşı, İlk Belediye, Hayriye, Asmalı Mescit, Cihangir, Tak-ı Zafer, Abdülhak Hamit, Galip Dede, Asker Ocağı, Tarlabaşı Bulvarı, Refik Saydam, Dolapdere Taksim, Sakızağacı, Kalyoncu Kulluğu, Ömer Hayyam, Aynalı Çeşme, Tepebaşı, Tersane Caddesi, Irmak Caddesi, Yedikuyular, Taşkışla.

The decisions came on the anniversary of the 2013 anti-government demonstrations known as the Gezi Park protests. Earlier, the Taksim Solidarity group called for a gathering in the area to mark the anniversary.

Ar the time, the government planned to demolish Gezi Park in Taksim Square to rebuild the historical artillery barracks as a shopping and commercial center. On May 28, 2013, activists set up tents in the park to resist the project.

Protests grew against the removal of the tents and the uprooting of trees in the park, transforming into countrywide anti-government protests by May 31. Protesters occupied Gezi Park for about two weeks before a police crackdown cleared the area.

Nine protesters and one police officer died and hundreds were injured during the demonstrations. Gezi Park continued to remain a park.

Who are the eight convicts of the Gezi case?

26 April 2022

(VK)

It is the morning after the night before and I’m feeling a bit worse for wear. I had sent my wife to bed whilst I singlehandedly changed the world with a few comments online. I checked them in the morning and they were all fine, I think I’ve been here too long. In the UK, Boris Johnson and David Cameron would receive my wrath, never rude but enough to make you feel better.

Yesterday seems like a distant dystopian nightmare, why did I get so upset? I will tell you in just a few words. It’s upsetting seeing people distraught and in pain, these are people I love. Police officers, tear gas and a MP crying are not what I’m used to seeing, so I naturally feel revulsion. Now at 12.45pm, it had slipped back into the normal, it’s just the way things are. Am I normalising trauma?

Most of the news channels carry the image of one man. It is like a golden Pharaoh has been resurrected from the dead. The words are repeated over and over again “Calm Down.” He is a teacher and the population are naughty hyperactive toddlers who have eaten too many sweets. 

Evening 

The leader who isn’t the leader is holding rallies the new leader who isn’t the leader is at home whilst the leader who isn’t the leader goes to the rallies from parliament as the leader not leader of the parliamentary group that he is no longer leader of, is that clear. 

The others say this is nothing to do with us whilst the puppets dance around.

Before I turn in, I glance around the channels as I do throughout the day. Each carry almost the exact same story at the same time. Now it is “Who is in the building?” It is like a symphony with a conductor orchestrating their daily digest.

Police storm CHP headquarters after leadership ouster

24 May 2026

26/05/06

Midday on an extremely hot day in a west coast city the police provide water hoses to cool the protesters down. This is of course not true, except there are water hoses knocking old people down in the street. I feel revulsion, people carrying nothing more than their beliefs. Is this normal. I’m sure someone can explain to me why it is.

And then I see a water fountain splashing into a delightful pool, a distant friend showing current memories at the Hotel Luxury Life online. Holding beers no one can afford, food out of their reach. The snapshot of time spent relaxed and regenerated, flying over the specks of misfortune. “Oh look that must be a gigantic water fountain in a swimming pool.” 

I can’t promise to be 

calm, dignified

and indifferent, 

like a rock by the sea…

If my heart’s going to break,

Let it break from anger,

Grief,

Or joy 

Nazim Hikmet 

(to be continued and continued and continued)

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Turkish products were entering the crumbling Soviet market, including Kazakhstan, with remarkable speed. While local economies struggled under chronic shortages and Western brands were only beginning to emerge, Turkish businesses often proved faster, more practical, and more accessible. Turkish margarine like “Rama”, chocolates such as “Albeni”, biscuits, sweets, and household goods became visible symbols of a changing consumer landscape.

For children, however, Turkey’s most important export was chewing gum.

Soviet gum certainly existed. In Kazakhstan, one of the most common local varieties was simply called “Sagyz” (literally, “gum”). It was cheap, but it could hardly compete. Turkish gums offered longer-lasting flavor, better bubbles, and, most importantly, collectible inserts.

These inserts quickly became more valuable than the gum itself. A stick of gum could be carefully stretched across an entire day, but a rare insert could retain value for months or even years.

“Turbo”, “Final 90”, “Tipi Tip” and many others were no longer just candy wrappers. They became the building blocks of a childhood economy centered around cars, football players, cartoon characters, romantic comic strips.

Each series had its own liquidity. Rare pieces commanded higher exchange rates. Some traded one for two, or even more. Without realizing it, children were learning the logic of markets.

By 1990-91, a single pack of Turbo gum might cost around three Soviet rubles. At a time when a respectable monthly salary for an adult could be roughly 300 rubles, this was hardly insignificant. For a child, buying imported gum was both pleasure and investment.

The secondary market was even more revealing. A single insert could cost one ruble. Even the wrapper itself could hold value, selling for 30 to 50 kopecks. Parents may have believed they were giving money for cinema tickets or ice cream, but in many cases they were unknowingly funding a thriving childhood collectibles market.

Before long, simple collecting evolved into commerce. At one point, I developed my own basic arbitrage strategy. A neighbor had acquired a collection of rare “Malabar” cartoon inserts, highly unusual in our area. I traded my “Final” football cards for “Malabar” inserts, then exchanged those same “Malabar” inserts at school for additional football cards under more favorable terms. Within weeks, my football collection had expanded dramatically. I did not know the language of arbitrage at the time, but I understood profit.

Back then, even neighborhood street culture carried economic undertones associated with gum inserts. If you wandered into the wrong district, a conversation with local bullies could begin quite directly:

“Where are you from? Got money? Inserts?”

These small printed collectibles were often treated almost like a parallel form of currency.

Only years later did I fully understand that many Turkish phrases printed on these inserts had entered my childhood consciousness long before I understood their meaning. “Almaniya Milli Takımı” simply meant the “German national team”. “Oto” meant “automobile”. Yet as children, these words felt like fragments of a larger, glamorous international language. In retrospect, this may have been one of my earliest encounters with Turkish soft power.

Turkey itself had experienced similar waves of consumer transformation earlier. In the worlds described by Orhan Pamuk, especially in his portrayals of Istanbul’s evolving urban consumer culture, one can glimpse earlier forms of commercial fascination with packaging, collectibles, and imported aspiration. By the time Turkish gum reached post-Soviet Central Asia, some of that commercial culture was quietly traveling with it.

Like any currency, inserts were vulnerable to inflation. When new series emerged, older ones rapidly lost value. This happened, for example, when “Final 90” gave way to “Final 92”, reflecting the changing cycles of major football championships. Collections depreciated. The market moved forward.

“Turbo”, centered around automobiles rather than tournament schedules, generally retained value longer. Cars, after all, aged more slowly as symbols than football competitions.

Adults regularly tried to suppress demand with warnings about harmful chemicals or vague health dangers supposedly linked to imported gum. But such fears rarely proved stronger than market enthusiasm.

…At some point, my own collection was stolen. At the time, it felt like a personal catastrophe.

But the loss faded more quickly than I expected. Not because I was necessarily maturing, but because scarcity itself was disappearing. As imported gum became more accessible, the value of the inserts declined accordingly.

No currency retains its value forever. (TZ/VK)